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  • The Reciprocity Treaty of 1854

    [2nd Session, 61st Congress, Senate Documents, No. 357]

    The Government of the United States being equally desirous with Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain to avoid further misunderstanding between their respective citizens and subjects in regard to the extent of the right of fishing on the coasts of British North America, secured to each by Article I of a convention between the United States and Great Britain signed at London on the 20th day of October, 1818; and being also desirous to regulate the commerce and navigation between their respective territories and people, and more especially between Her Majesty's possessions in North America and the United States, in such manner as to render the same reciprocally beneficial and satisfactory, have, respectively, named Plenipotentiaries to confer and agree thereupon, that is to say: The President of the United States of America, William L. Marcy, Secretary of State of the United States, and Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, James, Earl of Elgin and Kincardine, Lord Bruce and Elgin, a peer of the United Kingdom, Knight of the most ancient and most noble Order of the Thistle, and Governor General in and over all Her Britannic Majesty's provinces on the continent of North America, and in and over the island of Prince Edward;

    Who, after having communicated to each other their respective full powers, found in good and due form, have agreed upon the following Articles:

    Article I

    It is agreed by the high contracting parties that in addition to the liberty secured to the United States fishermen by the above-mentioned convention of October 20, 1818, of taking, curing and drying fish on certain coasts of the British American Colonies therein defined, the inhabitants of the United States shall have, in common with the subjects of Her Britannic Majesty, the liberty to take fish of every kind, except shell-fish, on the sea-coasts and shores, and in the bays, harbors, and creeks of Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward's Island, and of the several islands thereunto adjacent, without being restricted to any distance from the shore, with permission to land upon the coasts and shores of those colonies and the islands thereof, and also upon the Magdalen Islands, for the purpose of drying their nets and curing their fish; provided that, in so doing, they do not interfere with the rights of private property, or with British fishermen, in the peaceable use of any part of the said coast in their occupancy for the same purpose.

    It is understood that the above-mentioned liberty applies solely to the sea fishery, and that the salmon and shad fisheries, and all fisheries in rivers and the mouths of rivers, are hereby reserved exclusively for British fishermen.

    And it is further agreed that, in order to prevent or settle any disputes as to the places to which the reservation of exclusive right to British fishermen contained in this Article, and that of fishermen of the United States contained in the next succeeding Article, apply, each of the high contracting parties, on the application of either to the other, shall, within six months thereafter, appoint a Commissioner. The said Commissioners, before proceeding to any business, shall make and subscribe a solemn declaration that they will impartially and carefully examine and decide, to the best of their judgment, and according to justice and equity, without fear, favor, or affection to their own country, upon all such places as are intended to be reserved and excluded from the common liberty of fishing under this and the next succeeding Article; and such declaration shall be entered on the record of their proceedings.

    The Commissioners shall name some third person to act as an Arbitrator or Umpire in any case or cases on which they may themselves differ in opinion. If they should not be able to agree upon the name of such third person, they shall each name a person, and it shall be determined by lot which of the two persons so named shall be the Arbitrator or Umpire in cases of difference or disagreement between the Commissioners. The person so to be chosen to be Arbitrator or Umpire shall, before proceeding to act as such in any case, make and subscribe a solemn declaration in a form similar to that which shall already have been made and subscribed by the Commissioners, which shall be entered on the record of their proceedings. In the event of the death, absence, or incapacity of either of the Commissioners, or of the Arbitrator or Umpire, another and different person shall be appointed or named as aforesaid to act as such Commissioner, Arbitrator, or Umpire, in the place and stead of the person so subscribe such declaration as aforesaid.

    Such Commissioners shall proceed to examine the coasts of the North American provinces and of the United States, embraced within the provision of the first and second articles of this treaty, and shall designate the places reserved by the said articles from the common right of fishing therein.

    The decision of the Commissioners and of the Arbitrator or Umpire shall be given in writing in each case, and shall be signed by them respectively.

    The high contracting parties hereby solemnly engage to consider the decision of the Commissioners conjointly, of the Arbitrator or Umpire, as the case may be, as absolutely final and conclusive in each case decided upon by them or him respectively.

    Article II

    It is agreed by the high contracting parties that British subjects shall have, in common with the citizens of the United States, the liberty to take fish of every kind, except shell-fish, on the eastern sea-coasts and shores of the United States north of the 36th parallel of north latitude, and on the shores of the several islands thereunto adjacent, and in the bays, harbors, and creeks of the said sea-coast and shores of the United States and of the said islands, without being restricted to any distance from the shore, with permission to land upon the said coasts of the United States and of the islands aforesaid, for the purpose of drying their nets and curing their fish; provided that, in so doing, they do not interfere with the rights of private property, or with the fishermen of the United States, in the peaceable use of any part of the said coasts in their occupancy for the same purpose.

    It is understood that the above-mentioned liberty applies solely to the sea fishery, and that salmon and shad fisheries, and all fisheries in rivers and mouths of rivers, are hereby reserved exclusively for fishermen of the United States.

    Article III

    It is agreed that the articles enumerated in the schedule hereunto annexed, being the growth and produce of the aforesaid British Colonies or of the United States, shall be admitted into each country respectively free of duty:


    • Grain, flour, and breadstuffs, of all kinds.
    • Animals of all kinds.
    • Fresh, smoked, and salted meats.
    • Cotton-wool, seeds, and vegetables.
    • Undried fruits, dried fruits.
    • Fish of all kinds.
    • Products of fish, and of all creatures living in the water.
    • Poultry, eggs.
    • Hides, furs, skins, or tails, undressed.
    • Stone or marble, in its crude or unwrought state.
    • Slate.
    • Butter, cheese, tallow
    • Lard, horns, manures.
    • Ores of metals, of all kinds.
    • Coal.
    • Pitch, tar, turpentine, ashes.
    • Timber and lumber of all kinds, round, hewed, and sawed, unmanufactured in whole or in part.
    • Firewood.
    • Plants, shrubs, and trees.
    • Pelts, wool.
    • Fish-oil.
    • Rice, broom-corn, and bark.
    • Gypsum, ground or unground.
    • Hewn, or wrought, or unwrought burr or grindstones.
    • Dyestuffs.
    • Flax, hemp, and tow, unmanufactured.
    • Unmanufactured tobacco.
    • Rags.

    Article IV

    It is agreed that the citizens and inhabitants of the United States shall have the right to navigate the St. Lawrence, and the canals in Canada used as the means of communicating between the great lakes and the Atlantic Ocean, with their vessels, boats, and crafts, as fully and freely as the subjects of Her Britannic Majesty, subject only to the same tolls and other assessments as now are, or may hereafter be, exacted of Her Majesty's said subjects; it being understood, however, that the British Government retains the right of suspending this privilege on giving due notice thereof to the Government of the United States.

    It is further agreed that if at any time the British Government should exercise the said reserved right, the Government of the United States shall have the right of suspending, if it thinks fit, the operations of Art. III of the present treaty, in so far as the province of Canada is affected thereby, for so long as the suspension of the free navigation of the River St. Lawrence or the canals may continue.

    It is further agreed that British subjects shall have the right freely to navigate Lake Michigan with their vessels, boats, and crafts so long as the privilege of navigating the River St. Lawrence, secured to American citizens by the above clause of the present article, shall continue; and the Government of the United States further engages to urge upon the State Governments to secure to the subjects of Her Britannic Majesty the use of the several State canals on terms of equality with the inhabitants of the United States.

    And it is further agreed that no export duty, or other duty, shall be levied on lumber or timber of any kind cut on that portion of the American territory in the State of Maine watered by the River St. John and its tributaries, and floated down that river to the sea, when the same is shipped to the United States from the province of New Brunswick.

    Article V

    The present treaty shall take effect as soon as the laws required to carry it into operation shall have been passed by the Imperial Parliament of Great Britain and by the Provincial Parliaments of those of the British North American Colonies which are affected by this treaty on the one hand, and by the Congress of the United States on the other. Such assent having been given, the treaty shall remain in force for ten years from the date at which it may come into operation, and further until the expiration of twelve months after either of the high contracting parties shall give notice to the other of its wish to terminate the same; each of the high contracting parties being at liberty to give such notice to the other at the end of the said term of ten years, or at any time afterwards.

    It is clearly understood, however, that this stipulation is not intended to affect the reservation made by Article IV of the present treaty, with regard to the right of temporarily suspending the operations of Articles III and IV thereof.

    Article VI

    And it is hereby further agreed that the provisions and stipulations of the foregoing Articles shall extend to the island of Newfoundland, so far as they are applicable to that colony. But if the Imperial Parliament, the Provincial Parliament of Newfoundland, or the Congress of the United States shall not embrace in their laws, enacted for carrying this treaty into effect, the colony of Newfoundland, then this Article shall be of no effect; but the omission to make provision by law to give it effect, by either of the legislative bodies aforesaid, shall not in any way impair the remaining Articles of this treaty.

    Article VII

    The present treaty shall be duly ratified, and the mutual exchange of ratification shall take place in Washington within six months from the date hereof, or earlier if possible.

    In faith whereof we, the respective Plenipotentiaries, have signed this treaty and have hereunto affixed our seals.

    Done in triplicate, at Washington, the fifth day of June, anno Domini one thousand eight hundred and fifty-four.

    [Seal.] W. L. MARCY.
    [Seal.] ELGIN and KINCARDINE.

    Source: "The Reciprocity Treaty of 1854". 2nd Session, 61st Congress, Senate Documents, No. 357.
    © Government of the United States of America

  • Annexation bill

    "A Bill for the admission of the States of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Canada East, and Canada West, and for the organization of the Territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia".

    Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the United States is hereby authorized and directed, whenever notice shall be deposited in the Department of State that the governments of Great Britain and the provinces of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland, Canada, British Columbia, and Vancouver's Island have accepted the proposition hereinafter made by the United States, to publish by proclamation that, from the date thereof, the States of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Canada East, and Canada West, and the Territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia, with limits and rights as by the act defined, are constituted and admitted as States and Territories of the United States of America.

    SEC. 2 And be it further enacted, That the following articles are hereby proposed, and from the date of the proclamation of the President of the United States shall take effect, as irrevocable conditions of the admission of the States of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Canada East, and Canada West, and the future States of Selkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia, to wit:

    Article I

    All public lands not sold or granted; canals, public harbors, light-houses, and piers; river and lake improvements; railway stocks, mortgages, and other debts due by railway companies to the provinces; custom-houses and post offices, shall vest in the United States; but all other public works and property shall belong to the State governments respectively, hereby constituted, together with all sums due from purchasers or lessees of lands, mines, or minerals at the time of the union.

    Article II

    In consideration of the public lands, works, and property vested as aforesaid in the United States, the United States will assume and discharge the funded debt and contingent liabilities of the late provinces, at rates of interest not exceeding five per centum, to the amount of eighty-five million seven hundred thousand dollars, apportioned as follows: To Canada West, thirty-six million five hundred thousand dollars; to Canada East, twenty-nine million dollars; to Nova Scotia, eight million dollars; to New Brunswick, seven million dollars; to Newfoundland, three million two hundred thousand dollars; and to Prince Edward Island, two million dollars; and in further consideration of the transfer by said provinces to the United States of the power to levy import and export duties, the United States will make an annual grant of one million six hundred and forty-six thousand dollars in aid of local expenditures, to be apportioned as follows: To Canada West, seven hundred thousand dollars; to Canada East, five hundred and fifty thousand dollars; to Nova Scotia, one hundred and sixty-five thousand dollars; to New Brunswick, one hundred and twenty-six thousand dollars; to Newfoundland, sixty-five thousand dollars; to Prince Edward Island, forty thousand dollars.

    Article III

    For all purposes of State organization and representation in the Congress of the United States, Newfoundland shall be part of Canada East, and Prince Edward Island shall be part of Nova Scotia, except that each shall always be a separate representative district, and entitled to elect at least one member of the House of Representatives, and except, also, that the municipal authorities of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island shall receive the indemnities agreed to be paid by the United States in Article II.

    Article IV

    Territorial divisions are established as follows: (1) New Brunswick, with its present limits; (2) Nova Scotia, with the addition of Prince Edward Island; (3) Canada East, with the addition of Newfoundland and all territory east of longitude eighty degrees and south of Hudson's strait; (4) Canada West, with the addition of territory south of Hudson's bay and between longitude eighty degrees longitude ninety degrees; (5) Selkirk Territory, bounded east by longitude ninety degrees, south by the late boundary of the United States, west by longitude one hundred and five degrees, and north by the Arctic circle; (6) Saskatchewan Territory, bounded east by longitude one hundred and five degrees, south by latitude forty-nine degrees, west by the Rocky mountains, and north by latitude seventy degrees; (7) Columbia Territory, including Vancouver's Island, and Queen Charlotte's island, and bounded east and north by the Rocky mountains, south by latitude forty-nine degrees, and west by the Pacific ocean and Russian America. But Congress reserves the right of changing the limits and subdividing the areas of the western territories at discretion.

    Article V

    Until the next decennial revision, representation in the House of Representatives shall be as follows: Canada West, twelve members; Canada East, including Newfoundland, eleven members; New Brunswick, two members; Nova Scotia, including Prince Edward Island, four members.

    Article VI

    The Congress of the United States shall enact, in favor of the proposed Territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia, all the provisions of the act organizing the Territory of Montana, so far as they can be made applicable.

    Article VII

    The United States, by the construction of new canals, or the enlargement of existing canals, and by the improvement of shoals, will so aid the navigation of the Saint Lawrence river and the great lakes that vessels of fifteen hundred tons burden shall pass from the Gulf of Saint Lawrence to Lakes Superior and Michigan: Provided, That the expenditure under this article shall not exceed fifty millions of dollars.

    Article VIII

    The United States will appropriate and pay to "The European and North American Railway Company of Maine" the sum of two millions of dollars upon the construction of a continuous line of railroad from Bangor, in Maine, to Saint John's, in New Brunswick: Provided, That said "The European and North American Railway Company of Maine" shall release the government of the United States from all claims held by it as assignee of the States of Maine and Massachusetts.

    Article IX

    To aid the construction of a railway from Truro, in Nova Scotia, to Riviere du Loup, in Canada East, and a railway from the city of Ottawa, by way of Sault Ste. Marie, Bayfield, and Superior, in Wisconsin, Pembina, and Fort Garry, on the Red River of the North, and the valley of the North Saskatchewan river to some point on the Pacific ocean north of latitude forty-nine degrees, the United States will grant lands along the lines of said roads to the amount of twenty sections, or twelve thousand eight hundred acres, per mile, to be selected and sold in the manner prescribed in the act to aid the construction of the Northern Pacific railroad, approved July two, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, and acts amendatory thereof; and in addition to said grants of lands, the United States will further guarantee dividends of five per centum upon the stock of the company or companies which may be authorized by Congress to undertake the construction of said railways: Provided, That such guarantee of stock shall not exceed the sum of thirty thousand dollars per mile, and Congress shall regulate the securities for advances on account thereof.

    Article X

    The public lands in the late provinces, as far as practicable, shall be surveyed according to the rectangular system of the General Land office of the United States; and in the Territories west of longitude ninety degrees, or the western boundary of Canada West, sections sixteen and thirty-six shall be granted for the encouragement of schools, and after the organization of the Territories into States, five per centum of the net proceeds of sales of public lands shall be paid into their treasuries as a fund for the improvement of roads and rivers.

    Article XI

    The United States will pay ten millions of dollars to the Hudson Bay Company in full discharge of all claims to territory or jurisdiction in North America, whether founded on the charter of the company or any treaty, law, or usage.

    Article XII

    It shall be devolved upon the legislatures of New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Canada East, and Canada West, to conform the tenure of office and the local institutions of said States to the Constitution and laws of the United States, subject to revision by Congress.

    SEC 3. And be it further enacted, That if Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland, or either of those provinces, shall decline union with the United States, and the remaining provinces, with the consent of Great Britain, shall accept the proposition of the United States, the foregoing stipulations in favor of Prince Edward Island and Newfoundland, or either of them, will be omitted; but in all other respects the United States will give full effect to the plan of union. If Prince Edward Island, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick shall decline the proposition, but Canada, British Columbia, and Vancouver island shall, with the consent of Great Britain, accept the same, the construction of a railway from Truro to Riviere du Loup, with all stipulations relating to the maritime provinces, will form no part of the proposed plan of union, but the same will be consummated in all other respects. If Canada shall decline the proposition, then the stipulations in regard to the Saint Lawrence canals and a railway from Ottawa to Sault Ste. Marie, with the Canadian clause of debt and revenue indemnity, will be relinquished. If the plan of union shall only be accepted in regard to the northwestern territory and the Pacific provinces, the United States will aid the construction, on the terms named, of a railway from the western extremity of Lake Superior, in the State of Minnesota, by way of Pembina, Fort Garry, and the valley of the Saskatchewan, to the Pacific coast, north of latitude forty-nine degrees, besides securing all the rights and privileges of an American territory to the proposed Territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia.

    Source: "A Bill for the admission of the States of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Canada East, and Canada West, and for the organization of the Territories of Selkirk, Saskatchewan, and Columbia".
    © Government of the United States of America

  • George Brown describes the Charlottetown Conference, 1864

    …Having dressed ourselves in correct style, our two boats were lowered man-of-war fashion -- and being each duly manned with four oarsmen and a boatswain, dressed in blue uniform, hats, belts, etc. in regular style, we pulled away for shore and landed like Mr. Christopher Columbus who had the precedence of us in taking possession of portions of the American Continent. Our brother delegates were there before us. Five from Nova Scotia, five from New Brunswick and five from Prince Edward Island. Newfoundland goes heartily with the movement, but was not notified in time to take part in the proceedings.

    At two o'clock the Conference was organized by the appointment of Col. Gray, Prime Minister of Prince Edward Island, as President of the Convention. You are aware that the Conference was originally summoned merely to consider the question of a union of the Maritime Provinces and that Canada was no party to that Arrangement and had no interest in it. We came their [sic], not as recognized members of the Conference, but unofficially to discuss with them the propriety of extending their scheme and seeing whether the whole of British America could not be included in one government. The Conference was accordingly organized without us, but that being done we were formally invited to be present and were presented in great style to the Conference. Having gone through the shake elbow and the how dyedo and the fine weather -- the Conference adjourned to the next morning at 10 when to meet for the serious despatch of business. In the evening the Governor, Mr. Dundas, gave a large Dinner party to as many of the party as he could conveniently receive -- I being one....

    On Friday we met in Conference and Canada opened her batteries -- John A. and Cartier exposing the general arguments in favour of Confederation -- and this occupied the time until the hour of adjournment at three. At four o'clock Mr. Pope gave us a grand déjeuner à la fourchette....

    On Saturday the Conference resumed its deliberations and Mr. Galt occupied the sitting in opening up the financial aspects of the Federation and the manner in which the financial disparities and requirements of the several Provinces ought to be arranged. When the Conference adjourned, we all proceeded on board our steamer and the members were entertained at luncheon in princely style. Cartier and I made eloquent speeches -- of course -- and whether as the result of our eloquence or of the goodness of our champagne, the ice became completely broken, the tongues of the delegates wagged merrily, and the banns of matrimony between all the Provinces of BNA having been formally proclaimed and all manner of persons duly warned their [sic] and then to speak or forever after to hold their tongues -- no man appeared to forbid the banns and the union was thereupon formally completed and proclaimed! In the evening, Col. Gray gave a grand dinner party at his beautiful mansion....

    On Monday the Conference resumed its sittings, when I addressed the members on the Constitutional aspects of the question -- the manner in which the several governments general and local should be constructed -- and the Judiciary should be constituted -- what duties should be ascribed to the general and local legislatures respectively -- and so forth. My speech occupied the whole sitting... On Tuesday the Conference resumed its deliberations -- earnestly discussing the several details of the scheme. The Canadians this day closed their case, and left the Conference to decide what course it would take on their propositions. At four o'clock Mr. Palmer, Attorney-General, gave the delegates a grand luncheon at his residence....

    On Wednesday, the Conference gave the Canadian Delegates their answer -- that they were unanimous in regarding Federation of all the Provinces to be highly desirable, if the terms of union could be made satisfactory -- and that they were prepared to waive their own more limited questions until the details of our scheme could be more fully considered and matured. It was agreed that the Conference should stand adjourned until Monday the 12th Sept. then to meet at Halifax....

    Source: "George Brown describes the Charlottetown Conference, 1864" (excerpt of letter to his wife, September 13, 1864), The Canadian Historical Review, vol. 48, no. 2 (June 1967), p. 110-112.
    © Public Domain

  • The Quebec Resolutions, October, 1864 (The 72 Resolutions)

    1. The best interests and present and future prosperity of British North America will be promoted by a Federal Union under the Crown of Great Britain, provided such Union can be effected on principles just to the several Provinces.

    2. In the Federation of the British North American Provinces, the system of Government best adapted under existing circumstances to protect the diversified interest of the several Provinces, and secure efficiency, harmony and permanency in the working of the Union, would be a general Government, charged with matters of common interest to the whole country; and Local Governments for each of the Canadas, and for the Provinces of Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, charged with the control of local matters in their respective sections. Provision being made for the admission into the Union, on equitable terms, of Newfoundland, the North-West Territory, British Columbia and Vancouver.

    3. In framing a Constitution for the General Government, the Conference, with a view to the perpetuation of our connection with the Mother Country, and to the promotion of the best interests of the people of these Provinces, desire to follow the model of the British Constitution, so far as our circumstances will permit.

    4. The Executive Authority or Government shall be vested in the Sovereign of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, and be administered according to the well-understood principles of the British Constitution, by the Sovereign personally, or by the Representative of the Sovereign duly authorized.

    5. The Sovereign or Representative of the Sovereign shall be Commander-in-Chief of the Land and Naval Militia Forces.

    6. There shall be a General Legislature or Parliament for the Federated Provinces, composed of a Legislative Council and a House of Commons.

    7. For the purpose of forming the Legislative Council, the Federated Provinces shall be considered as consisting of three divisions: 1st Upper Canada, 2nd Lower Canada, 3rd Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island; each division with an equal representation in the Legislative Council.

    8. Upper Canada shall be represented in the Legislative Council by 24 members, Lower Canada by 24 members, and the 3 Maritime Provinces by 24 members, of which Nova Scotia shall have 10, New Brunswick 10, and Prince Edward Island 4 members.

    9. The colony of Newfoundland shall be entitled to enter the proposed Union, with a representation in the Legislative Council of 4 members.

    10. The North-West Territory, British Columbia and Vancouver shall be admitted into the Union on such terms and conditions as the Parliament of the Federated Provinces shall deem equitable, and as shall receive the assent of Her Majesty; and in the case of the Province of British Columbia or Vancouver, as shall be agreed to by the Legislature of such Province.

    11. The members of the Legislative Council shall be appointed by the Crown under the Great Seal of the General Government, and shall hold office during life: if any Legislative Councillor shall, for two consecutive sessions of Parliament, fail to give his attendance in the said Council, his seat shall thereby become vacant.

    12. The members of the Legislative Council shall be British subjects by birth or naturalization, of the full age of thirty years, shall possess a continuous real property qualification of four thousand dollars over and above all incumbrances, and shall be and continue worth that sum over and above their debts and liabilities, but in the case of Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island, the property may be either real or personal.

    13. If any question shall arise as to the qualification of a Legislative Councillor, the same shall be determined by the Council.

    14. The first selection of the Members of the Legislative Council shall be made, except as regards Prince Edward Island, from the Legislative Councils of the various Provinces, so far as a sufficient number be found qualified and willing to serve; such Members shall be appointed by the Crown at the recommendation of the General Executive Government, upon the nomination of the respective Local Governments, and in such nomination due regard shall be had to the claims of the Members of the Legislative Council of the Opposition in each Province, so that all political parties may as nearly as possible be fairly represented.

    15. The Speaker of the Legislative Council (unless otherwise provided by Parliament) shall be appointed by the Crown from among the Members of the Legislative Council, and shall hold office during pleasure, and shall only be entitled to a casting vote on an equality of votes.

    16. Each of the twenty-four Legislative Councillors representing Lower Canada in the Legislative Council of the General Legislature, shall be appointed to represent one of the twenty-four Electoral Divisions mentioned in Schedule A of Chapter first of the Consolidated Statutes of Canada, and such Councillor shall reside or possess his qualification in the Division he is appointed to represent.

    17. The basis of Representation in the House of Commons shall be Population, as determined by the Official Census every ten years; and the number of Members at first shall be 194, distributed as follows:

    • Upper Canada ... 82

    • Lower Canada ... 65

    • Nova Scotia ... 19

    • New Brunswick ... 15

    • Newfoundland ... 8

    • Prince Edward Island ... 5

    18. Until the Official Census of 1871 has been made up, there shall be no change in the number of Representatives from the several sections.

    19. Immediately after the completion of the Census of 1871, and immediately after every Decennial Census thereafter, the Representation from each section in the House of Commons shall be re-adjusted on the basis of Population.

    20. For the purpose of such re-adjustments, Lower Canada shall always be assigned sixty-five members, and each of the other sections shall at each re-adjustment receive, for the ten years then next succeeding, the number of Members to which it will be entitled on the same ratio of representation to population as Lower Canada will enjoy according to the Census last taken by having sixty-five Members.

    21. No reduction shall be made in the number of Members returned by any section, unless its population shall have decreased, relatively to the population of the whole Union, to the extent of five per centum.

    22. In computing at each decennial period the number of Members to which each section is entitled, no fractional parts shall be considered, unless when exceeding one-half the number entitling to a Member, in which case a Member shall be given for each such fractional part.

    23. The Legislature of each Province shall divide such Province into the proper number of constituencies, and define the boundaries of each of them.

    24. The Local Legislature of each Province may, from time to time, alter the Electoral Districts for the purposes of Representation in such Local Legislature, and distribute the Representatives to which the Province is entitled in such Local Legislature, in any manner such Legislature may see fit.

    25. The number of Members may at any time be increased by the general Parliament, -- regard being had to the proportionate rights then existing.

    26. Until provisions are made by the General Parliament, all the laws which, at the date of the Proclamation constituting the Union, are in force in the Provinces respectively, relating the qualification and disqualification of any person to be elected, or to sit or vote as a Member of the Assembly in the said Provinces respectively; and relating to the qualification or disqualification of voters and to the oaths to be taken by voters, and to Returning Officers and their powers and duties, -- and relating to the proceedings at Elections, -- and to the period during which such elections may be continued, -- and relating to the Trial of Controverted Elections, and the proceedings incident thereto, and relating to the vacating of seats of Members, and to the issuing and execution of new Writs, in case of any seat being vacated otherwise than by a dissolution -- shall respectively apply to Elections of Members to serve in the House of Commons, for places situate in those Provinces respectively.

    27. Every House of Commons shall continue for five years from the day of the return of the writs choosing the same, and no longer; subject, nevertheless, to be sooner prorogued or dissolved by the Governor.

    28. There shall be a Session of the General Parliament once, at least, in every year, so that a period of twelve calendar months shall not intervene between the last sitting of the General parliament in one Session, and the first sitting thereof in the next Session.

    29. The General Parliament shall have power to make Laws for the peace, welfare and good government of the Federated Provinces (saving the Sovereignty of England), and especially laws respecting the following subjects:

    • The Public Debt and Property.

    • The Regulation of Trade and Commerce.

    • The imposition or regulation of Duties of Customs on Imports and Exports, -- except on Exports of Timber, Logs, Masts, Spars, Deals and Sawn Lumber from New Brunswick, and of Coal and other minerals from Nova Scotia.

    • The imposition or regulation of Excise Duties.

    • The raising of money by all or any other modes or systems of Taxation.

    • The borrowing of money on the Public Credit.

    • Postal Service.

    • Lines of Steam or other Ships, Railways, Canals and other works, connecting any two or more of the Provinces together or extending beyond the limits of any Province.

    • Lines of Steamships between the Federated Provinces and other Countries.

    • Telegraphic Communication and the Incorporation of Telegraph Companies.

    • All such works as shall, although lying wholly within any Province be specially declared by the Acts authorizing them to be for the general advantage.

    • The Census.

    • Militia -- Military and Naval Service and Defence.

    • Beacons, Buoys and Light Houses.

    • Navigation and shipping.

    • Quarantine.

    • Sea Coast and Inland Fisheries.

    • Ferries between any Province and a Foreign country, or between any two Provinces.

    • Currency and Coinage.

    • Banking -- Incorporation of Banks, and the Issue of paper money.

    • Savings Banks.

    • Weights and Measures.

    • Bills of Exchange and Promissory Notes.

    • Interest.

    • Legal Tender.

    • Bankruptcy and Insolvency.

    • Patents of Invention and Discovery.

    • Copy Rights.

    • Indians and Lands reserved for the Indians.

    • Naturalization and Aliens.

    • Marriage and Divorce.

    • The Criminal Law, excepting the Constitution of Courts of Criminal Jurisdiction, but including the procedure in Criminal matters.

    • Rendering uniform all or any of the laws relative to property and civil rights in Upper Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island, and rendering uniform the procedure of all or any of the Courts in these Provinces; but any Statute for this purpose shall have no force or authority in any Province until sanctioned by the Legislature thereof.

    • The Establishment of a General Court of Appeal for the Federated Provinces.

    • Immigration.

    • Agriculture.

    • And generally respecting all matters of a general character, not specially and exclusively reserved for the Local Governments and Legislatures.

    30. The General Government and Parliament shall have all powers necessary or proper for performing the obligations of the Federated Provinces, as part of the British Empire, to Foreign Countries arising under Treaties between Great Britain and such Countries.

    31. The General Parliament may also, from time to time, establish additional Courts, and the General Government may appoint Judges and Officers thereof, when the same shall appear necessary or for the public advantage, in order to the due execution of the laws of Parliament.

    32. All Courts, Judges and Officers of the several Provinces shall aid, assist and obey the General Government in the exercises of its rights and powers, and for such purposes shall be held to be Courts, Judges and Officers of the General Government.

    33. The General Government shall appoint and pay the Judges of the Superior Courts in each Province, and of the County Courts in Upper Canada, and Parliament shall fix their salaries.

    34. Until the Consolidation of the Laws of Upper Canada, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island, the Judges of these Provinces appointed by the General Government shall be selected from their respective Bars.

    35. The Judges of the Courts of Lower Canada shall be selected from the Bar of Lower Canada.

    36. The Judges of the Court of Admiralty now receiving salaries shall be paid by the General Government.

    37. The Judges of the Superior Courts shall hold their offices during good behaviour, and shall be removable only on the Address of both Houses of Parliament.

    38. For each of the Provinces there shall be an Executive Officer, styled the Lieutenant Governor, who shall be appointed by the Governor General in Council, under the Great Seal of the Federated Provinces, during pleasure: such pleasure not to be exercised before the expiration of the first five years except for cause: such cause to be communicated in writing to the Lieutenant Governor immediately after the exercise of the pleasure as aforesaid, and also by Message to both Houses of Parliament, within the first week of the first Session afterwards.

    39. The Lieutenant Governor of each Province shall be paid by the General Government.

    40. In undertaking to pay the salaries of the Lieutenant Governors, the Conference does not desire to prejudice the claim of Prince Edward Island upon the Imperial Government for the amount now paid for the salary of the Lieutenant Governor thereof.

    41. The Local Government and Legislature of each Province shall be constructed in such manner as the existing Legislature of each Province shall provide.

    42. The Local Legislature shall have power to alter or amend their consitution from time to time.

    43. The Local Legislature shall have power to make laws respecting the following subjects:

    • Direct taxation, and in New Brunswick the imposition of duties on the Export of Timber, Logs, Masts, Spars, Deals and Sawn Lumber; and in Nova Scotia, of Coal and other minerals.

    • Borrowing money on the credit of the Province.

    • The establishment and tenure of local offices, and the appointment and payment of local officers.

    • Agriculture.

    • Immigration.

    • Education; saving the rights and privileges which the Protestant or Catholic minority in both Canadas may possess as to their Denominational Schools, at the time when the Union goes into operation.

    • The sale and management of Public Lands excepting Lands belonging to the General Government.

    • Sea Coast and Inland Fisheries.

    • The establishment, maintenance and management of Penitentiaries, and of Public and Reformatory Prisons.

    • The establishment, maintenance and management of Hospitals, Asylums, Charities, and Eleemosynary Institutions.

    • Municipal Institutions.

    • Shop, Saloon, Tavern, Auctioner and other Licences.

    • Local Works.

    • The Incorporation of Private or Local Companies, except such as relate to matters assigned to the General Parliament.

    • Property and civil rights, excepting those portions thereof assigned to the General Parliament.

    • Inflicting punishment by fine, penalties, imprisonment or otherwise, for the breach of laws passed in relation to any subject within their jurisdiction.

    • The Administration of Justice, including the Constitution, maintenance and organization of the Courts, -- both of Civil and Criminal Jurisdiction, and including also the Procedure in Civil matters.

    • And generally all matters of a private or local nature, not assigned to the General Parliament.

    44. The power or respiting, reprieving, and pardoning Prisoners convicted of crimes, and of commuting and remitting of sentences in whole or in part, which belongs of right to the Crown, shall be administered by the Lieutenant Governor of each Province in Council, subject to any instructions he may, from time to time, receive from the General Government, and subject to any provisions that may be made in this behalf by the General Parliament.

    45. In regard to all subjects over which jurisdiction belongs to both the General and Local Legislatures, the laws of the General Parliament shall control and supersede those made by the Local Legislature, and the latter shall be void so far as they are repugnant to, or inconsistent with, the former.

    46. Both the English and French languages may be employed in the General Parliament and in its proceedings, and in the Local Legislature of Lower Canada, and also in the Federal Courts and in the Courts of Lower Canada.

    47. No lands or property belonging to the General or Local Governments shall be liable to taxation.

    48. All Bills for appropriating any part of the Public Revenue, or for imposing any new Tax or Impost, shall originate in the House of Commons or House of Assembly, as the case may be.

    49. The House of Commons or House of Asesmbly shall not originate or pass any Vote, Resolution, Address or Bill for the appropriation of any part of the Public Revenue, or of any Tax or Impost to any purpose, not first recommended by Message of the Governor General or the Lieutenant Governor, as the case may be, during the Session in which such Vote, Resolution, Address or Bill is passed.

    50. Any Bill of the General Parliament may be reserved in the usual manner for Her Majesty's Assent, and any Bill of the Local Legislature may, in like manner, be reserved for the consideration of the Governor General.

    51. Any Bill passed by the General Parliament shall be subject to disallowance by Her Majesty within two years, as in the case of Bills passed by the Legislatures of the said Provinces hitherto; and, in like manner, any Bill passed by a Local Legislature shall be subject to disallowance by the Governor General within one year after the passing thereof.

    52. The Seat of Government of the Federated Provinces shall be Ottawa, subject to the Royal Prerogative.

    53. Subject to any future action of the respective Local Governments, the Seat of the Local Government in Upper Canada shall be Toronto; of Lower Canada, Quebec; and the Seats of the Local Governments in the other Provinces shall be as at present.

    54. All Stocks, Cash, Bankers' Balances and Securities for money belonging to each Province at the time of the Union, except as hereinafter mentioned, shall belong to the General Government.

    55. The following Public Works and Property of each Province shall belong to the General Government, to wit: --

    • Canals.

    • Public Harbours.

    • Light Houses and Piers.

    • Steamboats, Dredges and Public Vessels.

    • River and Lake Improvements.

    • Railways and Railway Stocks, Mortgages and other debts due by Railway Companies.

    • Military Roads.

    • Custom Houses, Post Offices and other Public Buildings, except such as may be set aside by the General Government for the use of the Local Legislatures and Governments.

    • Property transferred by the Imperial Government and known as Ordnance Property.

    • Armories, Drill Sheds, Military Clothing and Munitions or War; and

    • Lands set apart for public purposes.

    56. All lands, mines, minerals and royalties vested in Her Majesty in the Provinces of Upper Canada, Lower Canada, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island, for the use of such Provinces, shall belong to the Local Government of the territory in which the same are so situate; subject to any trusts that may exist in respect to any of such lands or to any interest of other persons in respect of the same.

    57. All sums due from purchasers or lessees of such lands, mines or minerals at the time of the Union, shall also belong to the Local Governments.

    58. All assets connected with such portions of the public debt of any Province as are assumed by the Local Governments shall also belong to those Governments respectively.

    59. The several Provinces shall retain all other Public Property therein, subject to the right of the General Government to assume any Lands or Public Property required for Fortifications or the Defence of the Country.

    60. The General Government shall assume all the Debts and Liabilities of each Province.

    61. The Debt of Canada, not specially assumed by Upper and Lower Canada respectively, shall not exceed, at the time of the Union, $62,500,000; Nova Scotia shall enter the Union with a debt not exceeding $8,000,000; and New Brunswick with a debt not exceeding $7,000,000.

    62. In case Nova Scotia or New Brunswick do not incur liabilities beyond those for which their Governments are now bound, and which shall make their debts at the date of Union less than $8,000,000 and $7,000,000 respectively, they shall be entitled to interest at five per cent on the amount not so incurred, in like manner as in hereinafter provided for Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island; the foregoing resolution being in no respect intended to limit the powers given to the respective Governments of those Provinces, by Legislative authority, but only to limit the maximum amount of charge to be assumed by the General Government; provided always, that the powers so conferred by the respective Legislatures shall be exercised within five years from this date, or the same shall lapse.

    63. Newfoundland and Prince Edward Island, not having incurred Debts equal to those of the other Provinces, shall be entitled to receive, by half-yearly payments, in advance, from the General Government, the Interest at five per cent on the difference between the actual amount of their respective Debts at the time of the Union, and the average amount of indebtedness per head of the Population of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick.

    64. In consideration of the transfer to the General Parliament of the powers of Taxation, an annual grant in aid of each Province shall be made, equal to 80 cents per head of the Population, as established by the Census of 1861; the population of Newfoundland being estimated at 130,000. Such aid shall be in full settlement of all future demands upon the General Government for local purposes, and shall be paid half-yearly in advance to each Province.

    65. The position of New Brunswick being such as to entail large immediate charges upon her local revenues, it is agreed that for the period of ten years, from the time when the Union takes effect, an additional allowance of $63,000 per annum shall be made to that Province. But that so long as the liability of that Province remains under $7,000,000, a deduction equal to the interest on such deficiency shall be made from the $63,000.

    66. In consideration of the surrender to the General Government by Newfoundland of all its rights in Mines and Minerals, and of all the ungranted and unoccupied Lands of the Crown, it is agreed that the sum of $150,000 shall each year be paid to that Province, by semi-annual payments; provided that the Colony shall retain the right of opening, constructing and controlling Roads and Bridges through any of the said Lands, subject to any Laws which the General Parliament may pass in respect of the same.

    67. All engagements that may before the Union, be entered into with the Imperial Government for the defence of the Country, shall be assumed by the General Government.

    68. The General Government shall secure, without delay, the completion of the Intercolonial Railway from Riviere-du-Loup, through New Brunswick, to Truro in Nova Scotia.

    69. The communications with the North-Western Territory, and the improvements required for the development of the Trade of the Great West with the Seaboard, are regarded by this Conference as subjects of the highest importance to the Federated Provinces, and shall be prosecuted at the earliest possible period that the state of the Finances will permit.

    70. The sanction of the Imperial and Local Parliaments shall be sought for the Union of the Provinces, on the principles adopted by the Conference.

    71. That Her Majesty the Queen be solicited to determine the rank and name of the Federated Provinces.

    72. The proceedings of the Conference shall be authenticated by the signatures of the Delegates, and submitted by each Delegation to its own Government, and the Chairman is authorized to submit a copy to the Governor General for transmission to the Secretary of State for the Colonies.

    Source: Excerpt from "The Quebec Resolutions, October, 1864". Documents on the Confederation of British North America. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart Ltd., 1969. P. 154-165.
    © Public Domain

Alberta and Saskatchewan

  • Haultain's open letter to Laurier

    "Territorial Premier Doubts the Necessity of Cutting Northwest Into Two Provinces---Criticizes the School Clause From a Constitutional Standpoint---Control of Irrigation and Public Lands---Provision for Appointing Judges.

    "Ottawa, March 12 -- The following open letter has been sent to Sir Wilfred Laurier by Premier Haultain under the date of yesterday: --

    "Sir, -- The somewhat hurried termination of the conference to which you were good enough to invite representatives of the Northwest Government, and the introduction of the Alberta and Saskatchewan bills, call for a final statement on the subject. In this statement I shall continue my remarks to some of the more important provisions of the bills, leaving a number of minor matters requiring consideration to less formal mention.

    "The first question which suggests itself, is the one of necessity for the creation of two provinces instead of one. After careful consideration I am more convinced than ever that there is no necessity for dividing the country into two provinces, with the consequent duplication of the machinery and institutions. The provincial machinery is elaborate and expensive and is more suitable to large areas and large populations. The new Territories have for a number of years been under

    One Government

    and legislature, performing most of the duties and exercising many of the more important powers of provincial governments and legislatures.

    "There has never been any suggestion that the territorial autonomy was in any was [sic] inadequate for the purposes for which it was created. Our laws and institutions are admittedly efficient and satisfactory. Under them the people of the Territories have acquired a political individuality and an identity as distinct as that of the people of any province. Up to the thirteenth of June next, this will continue to be the case and there does not seem to be any reason based on necessity, or convenience, why on the first day of July they should be suddenly divided in two, separated by a purely arbitrated line and obliged to do with two sets of machinery and institutions what they, to a great extent, have been doing quite satisfactorily and efficiently with one.

    His Opinion Not General

    "I must, however, frankly state that this opinion is by no means unanimously shared in the Territories and that the proposed action of the government will not call forth much hostile criticism.

    "I must take strong exception to the way in which the subject of education, has been treated, both in the conferences and in the bills. I must remind you of the fact that your proposition was not laid before my colleagues or myself until noon of the day upon which you introduced the bills. Up to that time the question had not received any attention, beyond a casual reference to it on the previous Friday, and I certainly believed that we should have had an opportunity of discussing your proposals before twelve o'clock on the day the bills received their first reading.

    "No such opportunity, however, was afforded as, unfortunately, you were not able to be present at the session when this section was submitted; neither was Sir William Mulock. I feel sure you will acquit me of any felling in the matter other than that such an important subject should have been fully discussed before the bills dealing with it were laid before parliament.

    Educational Matters

    "With regard to the question of education generally, you are no doubt aware that the position taken by us was that the provinces should be left to deal with the subject exclusively, subject to the provisions of the British North America Act, thus putting them on the same footing in this regard as all the other provinces in the Dominion except Ontario and Quebec. I submit that parliament is bound by the provisions of the British North America Act of 1867, in passing the legislation of this kind.

    "The power of the King in council exercising in effect legislative functions of the parliament of the United Kingdom, under the authority of section 146 of the British North America Act in 1867, is restricted by the words: "Subject to the provisions of this act." This restriction must equally apply to parliament exercising the powers conferred upon it by the British North America Act, 1871, which by section 3 of the British North America Act, 1886, must be "construed together" with the British North America Act, 1867.

    Cannot Change the Basis of Union

    "If the King in council is bound by the provisions of the act, in admitting an independent, and consenting colony into the union, it can hardly be contended that parliament has the power to create an unwilling, inferior and imperfect organization. As was pointed out in June 1869, by the Honorable Edward Blake, in the House of Commons, in the discussion upon a proposal to re-arrange the terms of confederation with respect to Nova Scotia; it is perfectly clear on great and obvious principles, that the basis of union settled by the British North America Act is not capable of alteration by parliament. If the provincial jurisdiction can be invaded by positive federal legislation, such as is proposed in this case, what limit is there to the exercise of such a power? Similar restrictions might be imposed with respect to any or all of the matters in relation to which under the British North America Act, 1867, the provincial legislatures possess exclusive powers.

    "The only jurisdictioo [sic] possessed by parliament in this respect is the remedial jurisdiction conferred by sub-section four of section 93 of the British North America Act 1867. The proposed attempts to legislate in advance on this subject is beyond the power of parliament and is an unwarrantable and unconstitutional anticipation of the remedical [sic] jurisdiction. It has, further the effect of petrifying the positive law of the Province with regard to a subject coming within its exclusive jurisdiction and necessitating requests for imperial legislation, whenever the rapidly changing conditions of a new country may require them.

    Previously Admitted to Union

    "On the fifteenth of July, 1870, the Northwest Territories were "Admitted into the Union," in the express terms of section 146 of the British North America Act, 1867. To speak of the provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan, then, being admitted into the union, on the first of July, 1905, is an improper and indefensible use of the expression. The territory included within the boundaries or these proposed provinces were, admitted into the union on July 15, 1870, and immediately upon the creation of these provinces the provisions of section 93 of the British North America Act, 1867, became as a matter of indefensible right, a part of their constitution. Tn [sic] the creation of provinces the term 'province' in that section, interprets itself, and the term 'union' bears the unmistakable meaning which is given to it with regard to the area included in the provinces by the actual language of section 146.

    "The first sub-section of section 16 of the bills is drawn in direct contradiction of this principle. It is an attempt to create a province retroactively. It declares territorial school laws, passed under the restrictions imposed by the Northwest Territories Act to be provincial school laws. It clothes laws imposed by the federal parliament with all the attributes of laws voluntarily made by a new province. It ignores territorial limitations and conditions. It denies facts and abolishes time. It declares what was not to have been, and seeks to perpetuate as existing what never was nor is.

    "I therefore most respectfully demand on behalf of the Territories that the same terms -- and no others -- imposed by the Queen in council on the admission of Price Edward Island and British Columbia, be prescribed in this instance. The draft bill I submitted more than three years ago contains the clause which will be found in the orders of council admitting those provinces. To impose more, or to prescribe less, would I submit be equally contrary to the law and constitution. The clause referred to is as follows:

    The Section

    "On, from, and after the said first day of January, 1903, the provisions of the British North America Act, 1867, except those parts thereof which are in terms made or by reasonable intendment may be held to be specially applicable to or to effect only one or more, but not the whole of the provinces under that act composing the Dominion, and except so far as the same may be varied by this act shall be applicable to the province of ---- in the same way and to the same extent as they apply to the several provinces of Canada; as if the province of ---- had been one of the provinces originally united by the said act.

    "The fact that since the acquisition of the Northwest Territories, parliament has passed certain laws affecting those territories, does not involve the principle that these laws must be perpetuated in the constitution of the proposed provinces. In this respect laws relating to education do not differ from the laws relating to any other subject. To state that the law passed in 1875, with regard to education, must forever limit the power of the province with regard to a very important provincial right, involves the theory that parliament might practically take away all the jurisdiction of a province, shorn of every power which it is supposed to posses under the constitution.

    Purely Constitutional

    "I wish to lay great stress on the fact that this a purely constitutional question, and is not concerned in any sense with the discussion of the relative merits of any system of education. The question is one of provincial rights. It is not the question of the rights of a religious minority, which must be properly, and may be safely, left to the provincial legislatures to be dealt with, subject to the general constitutional provisions in that regard. It is this question of the right of a minority of Canadians in the wider area of the Dominion, to the same rights and the same privileges, the same powers and the same constitution, as are enjoyed by the rest of his fellow citizens; and which they claim to be their inalienable possession under the one and only Canadian charter -- the British North America Act.

    "The first observation I have to make upon sub-section 3, of section 16, is that it is a direct interference by parliament with the right of the province to do as it seems to it the best with its own. I would next call attention to the fact that sub-section three of section 25 of the Dominion Lands Act, which provides that certain revenues arising from the school lands fund, shall be paid annually to the government of the province or the territory within which such lands are situated, toward the support of public schools therein; and the money so paid shall be distributed for that purpose by the government of such province or territory, in such a manner as it deems expedient.

    Sale of School Lands

    "This clause surely creates as inviolable a right in the solemn form of a trust as it is claimed was created by the adoption of section 14 of the Northwest Territories Act which deals with the question of education. Its language is definite and unmistakable. I gather then from history of this section that parliament defined and limited the scope of the section from time to time, always making it more definite and more restricted. In 1872 when the Dominion Lands Act was first enacted, section 22 of the act, provided that it was "Expedient to make provision in aid of education," and set aside certain scribing any particular course of lands for that purpose without pre-procedure in connection there with. When the act was consolidated in 1879, the clause providing for the trust fund was first enacted. It read as follows:

    "Section 23 (3): Provided also that all moneys from time to time realized from the sale of school lands shall be invested in Dominion securities, and the interest arising therefrom after deducting the cost of management, shall be paid annually to the government of the province or territory within which such lands are situated towards the support of public schools therein -- the moneys so paid to be distributed with such view by the government of such province or territory in such manner as may be deemed most expedient.

    Ammended in 1883

    "In the next consolidation of the act, that of 1883, this section was again amended to read as follows, the words added to the former section being italicized:

    "Section 20, (4) sub-section 4: Provided also that all moneys from time to time realized from the sale of school lands shall be invested in Dominion securities to form a school fund and the interest arising there from, after deducting the cost of management, shall be paid annually to the government of the province or territory, within which such lands are situated, towards the support of public schools therein -- and the money so paid to be distributed for that purpose by the government of such province or territory, in such a manner as may by it be deemed most expedient.

    "The changes made especially the introduction of the words 'by it,' show that parliament was evidently anxious to make it perfectly plain that the expenditure of the money resulting from this fund shall be left entirely in the discretion of the province. The broad general term 'education,' after being carried through the consolidations of 1879 and 1883 was left out in the revision of 1886; and there is no warrant for assuming that the words 'public schools' in the act, as it at present stands, mean or include any other schools.

    Fields of the Provinces

    "I therefore wish to express my most emphatic objection to the legislation in regard to this subject. I recognize no power in parliament to make laws for the new provinces in contravention of the letter and spirit of the British North America Act. Further, I recognize neither right nor justice in the attempt to dictate to the provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan the manner in which they will conduct their own business.

    "I very sincerely regret that it is necessary to give this turn to this discussion and I trust you will believe it is no sense from desire of my own to introduce an inharmonious note into these comments. The new provinces have their own futures to work out, and I deplore deeply the possibility that they may commence their careers torn with dissention upon such subjects as these. It seems to me that a great deal of trouble might have been avoided had we been afforded an opportunity of discussing these proposals, and I feel that I must place on record the fact that we are not responsible for the situation.

    Value of Land

    "Sections 13 and 20 provide that the public domain in each province shall be administered by the government of Canada for the purpose of Canada; an annual grant being made based upon certain varying rates of interest, upon the capitalization of 25,000,000 acres of land at $1.50 per acre. Here again I have to express my dissent from the action taken. By analogy and by the acknowledgement of the principle of compensation contained in section 19, we claim that the provinces are entitled to be recognized as the beneficial owners of the crown domain, and as such their right to administer their own property for themselves is one that should not be taken away without their consent.

    "As to whether or not the terms offered are fair or sufficiently large I am not in a position to judge having no material at hand to enable an estimate to be formed. I have one fact in mind in this connection and it is contained in the statement of the Hon. Clifford Sifton, speaking as minister of the interior, when he said that in one portion of the west alone, the construction of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway would make some 50,000,000 acres of land available for settlers the value of which was not less than $3 an acre, in which manner he pointed out that the whole cost of the construction of the road might be provided for. This was only in one section of the country. But I am not unwilling to admit that an immediate income, increasing with the population, and certain in amount, may in the long run prove quite as satisfactory as any profitable net income resulting from local administration of the public domain.

    Clerical Errors

    "I think a clerical error has been made by not inserting after the word 'census' the words 'or estimate.' I refer to the estimate between each census contemplated by section 17. There are also errors in the computation of the amounts payable under the last section of the first sub-section, and under the second sub-section. In these cases the first amount should be $1,125,000 and the second should be $92,750.

    "The matter of irrigation, so closely related to the land question, in my opinion stand on a different footing; and I can see no reason why the section in my draft bill transferring the jurisdiction with regard to irrigation to the province, should not have been adopted by you. Irrigation is a local need in every sense of the word, and will confined to one portion of the Territories, and pecularily [sic] therefore, falls in local jurisdiction. The desirability and convenience of local administration in this regard has been already admitted by parliament, by a delegation of the administration of the Northwest Irrigation Act, to the territorial commissioner of public works. The retaining od [sic] the jurisdiction in this case by the federal government is a serious invasion of the provincial jurisdiction in matters of property and civil rights, and is bound to create both inconvenience and friction.

    Selection of Judges

    "The bill does not contain any provisions with regard to the selection of judges for the provincial courts. My draft bill contained the following clause, which is identical in principle with the clause on the same subject contained in the British North America Act: The judges of the courts of the province shall be selected from the bar bar [sic] of the province, or from the bar of some other province, in which the laws relative to property and civil rights, and the procedure of the courts are the same as the province of ----.

    "As the conference has come to an end, and the government has expressed its own opinion publicly in the form of bills, the whole of this matter now has become a subject for public discussion, and I now propose to make this letter public at the very earliest opportunity and not to treat it as an official communication, only to be made public in the ordinary way.

    "In concluding this letter, I beg to express on behalf of the Northwest Government, our high appreciation of the attentive and courteous consideration extended to us by yourself, and the other members of the sub-committee of the council throughout the whole conference.

    "I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

    "F. W. G. Haultain."

    Source: Saskatoon Phenix, March 17, 1905, p. 1 and 10
    © Public Domain
    Reproduced with the permission of The Star Phoenix

  • God bless our new provinces

    "God Bless our New Provinces" has been decided upon as one of the chief mottoes to be used at the celebration of the introduction of one-legged autonomy to Alberta and Saskatchewan.

    What could be more appropriate?

    It sounds like the motto above the door of the orphan's home.

    Alberta and Saskatchewan, robbed of their birthright, brought into the world of this great Confederation, crippled, shackled, stamped with inferiority and doomed to eternal discord and strife, adopt the motto only too frequently associated with domestic infelicity, and hang on their cities' walls: "God Bless our New Provinces!"

    The new Provinces can be blessed only by their citizens regaining the liberty of men, of which they have been deprived, not by Providence, but by faithless politicans [sic].

    Mottoes and ikons [sic] will not restore those rights of manhood, but a man's earnest fight for a man's sacred liberty can -- and, if prosecuted, will.

    Source: God bless our new provinces, Saskatoon Phenix, August 25, 1905, p. 1.
    © Public Domain
    Reproduced with the permission of The Star Phoenix

  • L'inauguration de l'Alberta (French only)

    La ville d'Edmondton [sic] envahie par les foules qui vont assister à l'inauguration des nouvelles provinces--Les progrès accomplis en trente ans--Augmentation sans cesse croissante des colons--La richesse du pays--Les voies ferrées.

    Les subsides accordés par le gouvernement central--Comment seront administrées les nouvelles provinces--Les divisions politiques--Les premières élections--Animosité entre libéraux et conservateurs--La question des écoles.

    (De l'envoyé spécial de LA PRESSE)
    Edmonton, 1--Notre ville est envahie par les foules qui viennent assister à la cérémonie d'inauguration de la nouvelle province d'Alberta.

    Les hôtels, les maisons privées, ne peuvent contenir cette foule immense de visiteur. Tous les terrains vacants autour de la ville sont ouverts de tentes ou les étrangers ont cherché refuge. Les convois de chemin de fer nous amènent des centaines et des centaines de personnes venant de tous les points du pays et des Etats-Unis.

    Le Gouverneur-Général est arrivé hier soir, par un train spécial.

    Les citoyens ont mis la dernière main aux décorations, qui sont

    De toute beauté

    Le plus grand enthousiasme règne partout.

    Les cérémonies d'inauguration ont, de fait commencé la nuit dernière par le grand concert donné au "Thistle Rink". Ce concert a été le plus brillant qui ait eu lieu à Edmonton. La salle état comble, et les artistes ont été applaudis avec frénésie.

    Un détachement de la police montée est ici et son apparence martiale est très admirée.

    Il y a trente-cinq ans, lors de l'acquisition des territoires du Nord-Ouest de la Compagnie de la Baie d'Hudson, les seuls blancs qui habitaient ces régions étaient les agents et les commerçants de fourrures, répartis dans une demi-douzaine de postes. A l'heure où les provinces d'Alberta et de Saskatchewan entrent dans la confédération, on compte

    250,000 âmes

    dans chacune d'elles. Vu l'augmentation toujours croissante des colons qui vont e établir dans ces vastes plaines il est difficile de dire mainténant quel sera le chiffre de leur population, dans dix ou vingt ans.

    Avec leurs immenses ressources naturelles, leur population intelligente et active, on peut-prédire que les nouvelles provinces sont appelées à jouer un grand rôle, dans du Canada.

    Les destinées futures

    Le gouvernement fédéral, en accordant des pouvoirs provinciaux au Nord-Ouest a répondu à un désir manifesté depuis plusieurs années.

    La partie des territoires créée en provinces comprend ce qui a été désigné jusqu' à présent sous les noms de: Saskatchewan, Assiniboine, Alberta, et Athabasca, à l'exception de la partie est de Saskatchewan et Athabaska, qui longe la frontière nord du Manitoba. La frontière Est de la Saskatchewan sera la frontière Ouest du Manitoba.

    Athabasca et Alberta qui font partie de la nouvelle province d'Alberta, ont une superficile de 253,652 milles carrés et l'Alberta une superficile de 250,119 milles carrés.

    A l'avenir, les territoires du Nord-Ouest, sons la jurisdiction du gouvernement fédéral, se composeront des districts de Mackenzie, Keewatin et Frankline [sic].

    l'autorité royale

    sera maintenue dans ces districts par la police montée et le lieutenant colonel White sera désigné sous le nom de commissaire des Territoires du Nord-Ouest.

    L'aide financier accordé aux nouvelles provinces, par gouvernement central, est le suivant pour le gouvernement civil: $30,000, subside, "per capita", $200,000; pour la dette, $405,375; octroi pour remplacer le rachat des terres publiques, $375,000; octrois spéciaux pour les édifices publics, $62,500.

    On estime qu'il y a encore

    25,000,000 d'acres

    de terre qui appartiennent au gouvernement dans les deux nouvelles provinces.

    La constitution accordant l'accordant l'autonomie aux nouvelles provinces, est dans ses grandes lignes semblable à celle des provinces de Québec et Ontario.

    Le gouvernement des territoires, sous la direction de M. Haultain était un gouvernement de coalition. Le parlement de Régina comptait 18 conservateurs et 17 libéraux.

    À la chambre des communes, sept libéraux et trois conservateurs représentaient les Territoires.

    La convention du parti conservateur, tenue ces jours dernière, a passé un résolution demandant que les prochaines élections soient faites sur les démarcations de parti. Les libéraux s'organisent en conséquence.

    D'après les termes du Bill d'autonomie, la première élection dans les nouvelles provinces devra avoir lieu avant quatre mois. Il est probable que la date de l'élection sera fixée vers

    La mi-novembre;

    la condition des chemins à cette date étant encore assez bonne pour permettre aux électeurs de se rendre aux bureaux de votation.

    Il parait admis que les lieutenants-Gouverneurs demanderont a M. Walter Scott, de Régina, et à A. C. Rutherford, de Stratchona [sic], de prendre respectivement charge de la première administration des nouvelles provinces.

    L'organisation conservatrice dans les deux provinces et complétée. L'honorable M. Haultain sera le chef dans la Saskatchewan, et M. R. B. Bennett, dans l'Alberta. L'élection sera très contestée. Il est à regretter que la question des écoles soit amenée dans la discussion et cause beaucoup d'animosité entre libéraux et conservateurs.

    Les libéraux endossent l'action du gouvernement fédéral, qui a décrété que l'état de choses existant dans le Nord-Ouest sera continué, sauvegardant

    Les droits des minorités

    catholiques et protestants tels qu'ils existent actuellement.

    MM. Haultain et Bennett se font les champions des droits provinciaux en matière d'éducation, et prétendent que le gouvernement central n'avait pas le droit de lier ainsi les mains aux nouvelles provinces; chacune d'elles devant être libre de légiférer sur la matière.

    Les deux nouvelles provinces sont très riches en ressources minières et agricoles, et les voies de communication sont nombreuses. Dans la Saskatchewan, il y a six lignes de chemin de fer qui la relie avec Manitoba et une avec les États-Unis. Bientôt, ces lignes seront continuées jusqu'aux frontières de l'Alberta, où il y a déjà trois lignes du Pacifique Canadien. En plus, cette province sera bientôt traversée par la nouvelle voie du Grand Tronc Pacifique.

    Les deux provinces sont dans un elles peuvent regarder l'avenir avec confiance.

    État financier excellent,

    L'inauguration de la nouvelle province d'Alberta a lieu aujourd'hui.
    Son Excellence le gouverneur-général et Sir Wilfrid Laurier présideront à cette importante cérémonie, dont le programme est le suivant :
    Le matin -- Parade des citoyens et des enfants des écoles.
    Revue de la police, au terrain de l'Exposition.
    Présentation d'une adresse civique à Lord Grey.
    À midi juste -- Assermentation du Lieutenant-Gouverneur, l'hon. M. Bulyea.
    Après-midi -- Jeu athlétiques [sic] et Polo.
    Soir -- Bal des citoyens au Thistle Rink

    Source: L'inauguration de l'Alberta, La Presse, September 1, 1905, p. 1 and 8.
    © Public Domain
    Reproduced with the permission of La Presse

  • Edmonton had gala day

    City Did Itself Grand on the Occasion of the Inauguration Ceremonies of the West.

    Edmonton, Sept. 1--The Formal inauguration of Alberta took place at 12 o'clock today. Before that the Mounted Police, to the number of 200, under Commissioner Perry gave a magnificent exhibition drill. They were marched past the Governor at a walk, trot, canter and gallop. They presented a fine appearance, and were cheered to the echo.

    The Commissioner of police then read Governor Bulyea's commission; and the other office was administered by Mr. McGee, clerk of the privy council. A salute of 21 guns then fired. An address was read to the Governor General by Mayor Mackenzie and responded to very happily by His Excellency. An address was read to Mr. Bulyea, and replied to by the new Lieutenant Governor, who made an excellent impression by his earnestness and eloquence.

    Sir Wilfrid Laurier then addressed the people, and was well received. He was followed by Hon. Wm. Paterson and Sir Gilbert Parker.

    It is estimated that 15,000 people are present. Sir Wilfrid addressed the French people in that language. The beautiful weather continues, and the celebration is assured of unequalled success.

    Source: Edmonton had gala day, Daily Standard, September 2, 1905, p. 1.
    © Public Domain

  • The Alberta Act

    Source: "An Act to establish and provide for the government of the Province of Alberta" (short title: The Alberta Act), Statutes of Canada 1905, c. 3, p. 77-93
    © Crown
    Reproduced with permission of the Department of Justice

  • The Saskatchewan Act

    Source: "An Act to establish and provide for the government of the Province of Saskatchewan" (short title: The Saskatchewan Act), Statutes of Canada 1905, c. 42, p. 201-215.
    © Crown
    Reproduced with permission of the Department of Justice

British Columbia

  • The Convention

    The following article is from: The British Columbian August 26, 1868, p. 2

    On the 14th proximo, Delegates from, we trust, every District of this wide spread Colony will meet at Yale for the purpose of adopting measures for obtaining the early admission of this Colony into the Dominion of Canada, and, considering the best means for ameliorating the political condition of the Colony. This extraordinary proceeding has been rendered necessary by the hostile attitude assumed by the hybrid legislature, during last Session.

    Our readers are already aware that the Government officials, comprising as they do, two-thirds of that body, took it into their heads that they might lose their lucrative billets under Confederation; and they, therefore, recorded their votes against the change, although compelled to admit that it would be a great boon to the Colony. The first law of our nature is said to be to "look out for number one," and they came to the unanimous determination to obey that law. Well; they must not think hard of the people if they elect also to obey that law, and take such steps as they may deem most expedient for protecting and promoting their own interests. To suppose that the colonists are going to succumb to a two-thirds official majority and quietly bend their backs to the burden is absurd; and to suppose that the officials will strengthen their position, or improve their chances of continuing in office by thus setting themselves in direct opposition to the wishes of the people, and the interests of the country is equally absurd.

    From the Governor downwards, they must be taught that the public affairs are to be administered in the interest of the people; not, as they appear to think, in the special interest of the officials. The Convention, if judiciously managed, will materially lead to such a result. If the people of every district do their duty, the Convention will be a representative body in a much fuller sense than the Legislative Council can possibly be, under the existing constitution; and, consequently, whatever measures or recommendations may emanate from that body will be entitled to far greater weight than can fairly attach to the emanations of our so-called legislature. The emanations of the one will be emphatically the voice of the people. The other is the mere mouth-piece of the Governing classes. But, in order to render the Convention effective, in order to invest it with that power which no Government dare treat with contempt, the colonists must respond to the call with heartiness and alacrity. There must be no dull indifference shown. No half-heartedness will do in this movement. Nor need it be apprehended. The people understand their own interests too well for that.

    Source: "The Convention," The British Columbian, August 26, 1868, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Yale Convention

    The following article is from: The British Colonist (British Columbia) August 26, 1868

    THE Confederate League propose holding at Yale, on Monday, 14th September, 1868, a Convention of Delegates, for the purpose of accelerating the admission of this Colony into the Dominion of Canada, upon equitable and beneficial terms, and also, to devise means to secure Representative Institutions with Responsible Government for this Colony; and to take such other steps as the Convention may deem proper to obtain redress of the numerous grievances under which this country now suffers.

    The inhabitants of the respective Districts of the Colony are invited to elect Delegates without delay, to represent their views in the above Convention. By Order of the Executive Committee,

    au26 tc Secretary.

    Source: "Yale Convention," The British Colonist (British Columbia), August 26, 1868.
    © Public Domain

  • En route to Ottawa

    The following article is from: British Colonist (British Columbia) June 11, 1870, p. 2

    San Francisco May 19th 1870.

    At 10 o'clock this morning the Active reached her wharf at this city, just five days from Victoria. To-morrow morning at 8 o'clock your delegate will take the cars for Ottawa.

    The day we left Victoria was fine, and we had a pleasant though slow sail down the Straits, meeting the Flying Squadron off Cape Flattery. The Fleet made a fine appearance and for some hours every glass on board the Active was in use scanning the floating embattlements of our country. The weather continued fine during the night, and on Sunday for eight hours we had a fair sailing breeze, after which the wind changed and a stiff sou'wester retarded our progress to the Golden Gate. Our company had the usual amount of seasickness, one of the Government Delegates having a very hard time of it. Our amusements consisted chiefly in catching gulls and watching the whales disport themselves on the bosom of the 'vastly deep.' We were also somewhat amused with the attempts at punning by some of our learned travelers, two of which I can't withhold. The first by Mr. Ring, -- Why are whales the most successful lawyers? Because they are the most successful in actions of ejectment. The second by Mr. Wood, -- Why are the Delegates like whales? Because they are continually spouting, and there is nothing in them.

    The few hours I have spent in this city have enabled me to see a good many old British Colombians, all of whom have a longing to get back, and all seem pleased at the prospect of speedy Union with Canada. A leading merchant of this city remarked to me today, that for the interest of both nations represented on the Pacific Coast nothing could be of such importance as the Union of British Columbia with Canada, for there would be then two strong nations to build up the trade and commerce of the Pacific.

    I take the train to-morrow morning at 8 o'clock. I go by the Rock Island route. The Delegates will leave on Saturday, and we shall probably meet at Omaha, from which place I shall write you again. S.

    Source: "En route to Ottawa," The British Colonist (British Columbia), June 11, 1870, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Confederation Complete

    The following article is from: The British Colonist (British Columbia) Thursday Morning, July 20, 1871, p. 2

    To-day, British Columbia passed peacefully and, let us add, gracefully into the confederated empire of British North America. Perhaps it would be more proper to put it thus: To-day the confederated empire of British North American stretches to the shores of the Pacific, "whose limpid waters," to quote the poetic language of Mr. J. Spencer Thompson, "leave in baptismal welcome the brow of the new-born Province which forms the last link in the transcontinental chain -- the last star in the constellation which is destined hereafter to shine so brightly in the northern hemisphere." To-day the great scheme of Confederation in British North America may be regarded as practically complete. It is true that two islands of the Atlantic (Prince Edward and Newfoundland) still stand aloof. But Confederation can get on without them much better than they can get on without it. They will soon be found […] for a union they have thoughtlessly spurned. To-day British Columbia and Canada join hands and hearts across the Rocky Mountains, and John Bell [?] the younger stands with one foot on the Atlantic and the other on the Pacific -- with his back to the North Pole and his face looking southward -- how far we will not now venture to predict. Let the larger political union which we celebrate to-day be symbolic of a union of parties, of purpose and of action. Let the people of this Pacific Province accustom themselves to think of the Dominion as a second edition of Great Britain, and let all learn to regard each other as a band of brothers upon whom has devolved the honor and the responsibility of laying the foundations of empire. There is a feeling in the minds of some that the day which celebrates the nuptials of British Columbia and Canada at the same time celebrates the divorce of the former from the parent empire, and this feeling may tend to damp the enthusiasm of such as are the subjects of it: and we readily confess that, did not ground for the idea exist, we would sympathise with the feeling it is calculated to beget. Not only is there no ground for the idea, but the reverse is actually true. Instead of the union we celebrate weakening those bonds which connect us with the parent empire, it will impart additional strength and vitality to them. It will release us from the red tape and sealing wax of Downing street, it is true -- but then, it will draw us nearer to the throne. It will do more. It will draw together all the peoples of British North America into one common brotherhood and beget a national sentiment, a sentiment more truly British than would be compatible with isolation and discontent. Let the union we celebrate be suggestive of a drawing together, a harmonizing and a nationalizing of all those sometime discordant elements which have culminated in local faction; and while joining hands with Canada in the grand and patriotic work of building up a second British Empire on this continent, let us join hands among ourselves in a friendly but firm resolve to begin our new political life a united and harmonious band for the purpose of making British Columbia -- what Nature designed her to be -- the Queen Province of the Dominion. With one common nationality, one common interest, one object should now actuate every heart and obliterate all those lines created by the factions of the past.

    Source: "Confederation complete," The British Colonist (British Columbia), July 20, 1871, p. 2.
    © Public Domain


  • Insurrection of the French half breeds

    The following article is from: The Nor'wester and Pioneer (Winnipeg) October 26, 1869, p. 1

    What we have so long expected has at last taken place. Ever since the commencement of the last negotiations for the transfer of this Territory to the Dominion of Canada, a few individuals, who no doubt glory in their disloyalty to the Queen and their hatred of the Dominion and all concerned with it; have been exceedingly busy in their efforts to create a spirit of opposition to the proposed transfer among this people. With the English speaking portion they have been eminently unsuccessful, inasmuch as they can read for themselves and have a better understanding of the ins and outs of the whole question than was anticipated by those who were endeavouring to tamper with their loyalty and good sense. Failing here they then turned their whole attention toward our French fellow Colonists, and wherever there was an opportunity and an ear to listen, the occasion was not lost to still them with an almost unconceivable tissue of misrepresentations and lies. The principal misrepresentations were concerning the Canadian System of Taxation; and among the most prominent lies was the assertion that the new government intended to immediately oust the French from their lands and homesteads.

    Coming, as these assertions did, from men of some apparent consequence among us, it is little wonder that they found a number among the French who would believe them and proceed to act upon them. Believing as they do that their informers have told them the truth from motives of friendship and good will, these men have very naturally determined to resist any such encroachment upon their rights. Without inquiring as to the truth of falsehood of what has been told them some considerable excitement began to manifest itself among them ever since the news of the bargain and sale of the Company rights reached us. Reports of various kinds have been flying about as to their intentions in the matter, but as many of them seemed to incredible for belief, we awaited quietly to see what the termination would be; relying upon their innate good sense when they should calmly think the matter over.

    Week before last they dispatched a couple of agents among the English-speaking portion of our people who live upon the Red River below this place. We were down immediately after, and found that they had not met with a single sympathizer along the whole line of their peregrinations. A flying rumour then began to prevail that the French intended to stop Gov. McDougall whilst en route to the Settlement from Pembina and to prevent him from coming in at all, unless indeed he would accede to a long list of demands, the most of which are too preposterous to entertain, and many of which he will not have the power to grant. This report, apparently of so serious an aspect, created little excitement, inasmuch that it was not credited. But intelligence of an unmistakable character reached this place on Friday last. On that day information was laid before the authorities, and sworn to in the form of an affidavit, that the French were already in arms upon the road between Stinking River and Pembina. That such of them as took an active part in the uprising were adopting every precaution to intercept Mr. McDougall on his way in. They were fully organised and were sufficiently under military discipline to throw out scouts upon all the approaches to the Settlement from the South; and to post pickets and sentries at night. These fellows had billeted themselves upon the inhabitants at their various places of rendezvous. They were divided into three parties of about twenty or thirty in each. These parties being stationed at Stinking River , Scratching River and near Pembina, severally.

    Source: "Insurrection of the French half breeds," The Nor'Wester and Pioneer (Winnipeg), October 26, 1869, p. 1.
    © Public Domain

  • Manitobah!

    The following excerpt is from: Montreal Gazette July 11, 1870, p. 4

    Satisfaction of the Riel Legislature with the Manitobah Bill.

    Inhabitants Anxious for the Appearance of the Troops.

    Its Supposed Aim.


    TORONTO, July 9. – Despatches from St. Paul say that on the 23rd ult., a special session of the Legislature was held, at which M. Richot reported the result of his mission to Canada; it was then unanimously resolved -- "That the Manitobah Act should be accepted as satisfactory, and that the country should enter the Dominion on the terms specified in the Manitobah and Confederation Acts." At the conclusion, the Legislature parted with loud and enthusiastic cheers.

    Bishop Taché reached St. Paul last night. He says the Manitobah Bill was received with much satisfaction by Riel and the people; that there is no foundation for the report that Riel was raising a force to attack the expedition, and that all the people desire to see the troops at Fort Garry to insure security and protection. He said that no danger was anticipated from the Indians, but there was a feeling of uneasiness among the settlers. He does not think the expedition can reach Fort Garry until September. There are twenty-six portages between Fort William and the Lake of the Woods, and the swamps make traveling very bad, and it will be necessary for the soldiers to rebuild roads as they come along. He does not think that artillery can be taken across the country. Bishop Taché also says that Riel is glad of a peaceful settlement of the troubles, and willing to overcome any personal ambition that may have tempted him if for the good of his country. He will welcome the new Governor, turn over the Government to him, and retire into private life. He is satisfied with the expedition now on its way west because it is under much more honorable auspices than was Macdougall's arrival as governor of the people of the North West. Mr. Taché left St. Paul yesterday for Ottawa. The object of his mission is not known, but it is supposed he goes to show the Dominion Government the uselessness of sending a Canadian expedition of the magnitude of the present one through to Fort Garry and to procure a pardon for Riel.

    Source: "Manitobah!," Montreal Gazette, July 11, 1870, p. 4.
    © Public Domain

  • The Manitoba Act

    Source: "An Act to amend and continue the Act 32 and 33 Victoria, chapter 3; and to establish and provide for the Government of the Province of Manitoba," Statutes of Canada 1870, c. 3, p. 20-27.
    © Crown
    Reproduced with permission of the Department of Justice

New Brunswick

  • The Canadian visit: the trip to Fredericton

    The following article is from: Saint John Morning Telegraph August 10, 1864, p. 2

    The Trip to Fredericton (By our own Reporter.)

    Fredericton, Tuesday Morning.

    The Canadians left St. John on Monday, at 8:30 A.M., by special train for Rothsay, many gentlemen from the City going out that distance for the purpose of seeing them off. A number of ladies, also from the neighboring villas, lent an air of refinement to the scene, where the Anna Augusta lay along side of the wharf with steam up to convey us down the Kennebeccasis and up the St. John to Fredericton. About 10 the boat started, while the crowd on the wharf gave three times three for our guests, which was returned by the party on board by a hearty answering cheer. As we steamed along the shore and past the mouth of the Milkish, the beautiful scenery appeared to much advantage and was of course much admired. The Canadians, in fact, seem to be willing and anxious to admire all they see, and even the small portion of our Railway which they traversed came in for a share of praise. I heard the opinion expressed by many that they had no where in America passed over so smooth a road. Doubtless their lively recollections of the Grand Trunk helped them more to appreciate the superiority of our line. If we had been favored with the choosing of the weather we could not have made it more favorable for all the purposes of our trip than what we had on Monday. The sun was bright, but not too glaring - the heat gently softened by the summer breeze, and the fleecy clouds which hung in the sky above us seemed but the shadows of the glorious earth. We soon left the Kennebeccasis behind us and turned into the St. John -- the beautiful St. John -- the river of promise -- New Brunswick's richest artery. As we ran along the rugged banks which line the river for several miles, it is possible that some of the Canadians began to doubt the truth of what they had heard of the beauty and fertility of the land on the St. John, but when after a time the lands along the river began to expand into intervale, and broad tracts of level meadow lined either side, their exclamations of surprise and admiration were frequent. They had no idea of the fertility of the Country, and had never believed that such land existed in British America anywhere out of Canada. Indeed the river seemed to have put on its best dress for the occasion, and never looked better. The Band of the 15th Regt. being on board we were treated to sweet music in abundance during our voyage, and those who desired something wherewith to tickle the palate and cast a glow of pleasure o'er the soul, were treated to something stronger. A number of French Canadians enlivened the trip by singing French songs; and those who took an interest in the study of European history were delighted to hear the Marsellaise Hymn sing in the original French. I believe I am safe in saying that no National song, with the exception of our own Anthem, has ever possessed a power equal to this, and as we heard its strains we could not but think of the days in which the same words and music roused the people of Paris into phrenzy and begot in their minds that hatred of their rulers which deluged the finest city of Europe in blood for so many years.

    Never merrier party went up the St. John than those on board the "Anna Augusta." The hours slipped so pleasantly away amid the ever varying change of scenes we scarce were aware that they had passed. Beautiful fields, verdant meadows and luxuriantly wooded hills beyond, were ever and anon coming in view, and the Canadians never seemed to tire of the prospects so pleasantly placed before them. Wood boats and smaller craft passed us coming down the river with the wind well aft, and much surprise was expressed at the huge loads they carried. As we got to the foot of the Long Reach we saw a steamer far ahead of us; we passed her before she was quite up to Oak Point, but instead of proving, as we supposed, the Indian Town boat, we found she was only the "Magnet," an old tug. She puffed and tried pretty hard to keep up to us, but it was no use -- we left her hopelessly behind.

    At Gagetown the Hon. S. L. Tilley, Pro. Sec., the Mayor, the Sheriff, the Speaker of the House, Post Master General, Surveyor General, Board of Works, Queen's Printer, D. McPherson, Esq., Dr. Dow [...] John Ferris [...] W. Carman, James Hogg, Jas. S. Beek and John Richards, Esquires, came on board. They had come from Fredericton that morning for the purpose of meeting and welcoming the Canadians.

    At the Oromocto, we passed the "Heather Bell" with the Lieutenant Governor on board -- and had a long race with her. -- We did not make much out of her, however, and she was not more than half a mile behind us when we reached the Celestial City; but out of respect to the Governor, however, we letter [i.e. let] her pass us when near the wharves. We also passed one of the Board of Works' steamers. Not a very fast one, however, for she happened to be a dredging machine. She was at anchor and did not attempt a race with us, probably out of regard for the Board of Works who was on board of the "Anna Augusta."

    We reached Fredericton at 5.30. There was a great crowd to see us and a great rush to the Hotel. The Volunteer Artillery fired a salute.

    Reception in Fredericton

    The Fredericton people deserve much credit for the manner in which they got up their part of the entertainment for the Canadian visitors. When it is remembered that they had but a short time to prepare for their reception, and have not the same facilities at their command as St. John, the reception they gave them will not suffer in comparison with that of our own city.

    Dinner was to have been ready at the Legislative Hall by 7.30 p.m. on Monday but as the visitors spent some time in looking through the library and other rooms in the building, proceedings were not fairly commenced at the table until 8.15. And here I may state in passing, that I heard several Canadian gentlemen praise the good taste the people of New Brunswick show in not going to the expense of erecting new Parliament buildings at present, and although I cannot see the matter exactly in that way, I give the expression here.

    At dinner the Mayor of the City acted as Chairman, supported on the right by the Hon. Mr. Ferrier, and on the left by the Hon. T. D'Arcy McGee. The Provincial Secretary presided at the foot of the table, having on his right L. Donaldson, Esq., and on his left the Hon. B. Wier, from Halifax.

    After the clatter of the knives and forks had somewhat subsided, the Chairman rose and proposed the first toast --
    The Queen -- Which was drunk with all the honors, with the Regimental band playing; after which Mr. McAuley, from Quebec, sang "God Save the Queen" with great taste, the whole company joining in the chorus.
    2. The Prince of Wales and the Royal Family.
    3. The Governor General.
    4. The Lieutenant Governor -- Responded to by Mr. Tilley, who regretted that circumstances prevented the Governor from attending, as he had been desirous of doing.
    5. The Army and Navy -- Responded to by Mr. Brooks of the 15th Regt.
    6. Our distinguished Guests -- Band playing "For he's a right good fellow." Responded to by Hon. Mr. Armand in a speech in French, but which we do not give, as it might not be intelligible to the majority of our readers.

    Mr. McGee's Speech

    Mr. McGee then rose and delivered a most powerful and telling speech, which was rapturously applauded. Of course I do not pretend to report it fully - enriched as it was by that racy humor and felicity in anecdote and illustration for which the Hon. Gentleman is so distinguished. He always, he said, felt at home in New Brunswick, and always spoke of its people to the Canadians as our fellow countrymen in New Brunswick. He had several times before visited it, and always found a warm welcome. He was very little entitled to the credit of getting up this auspicious meeting between Canada and New Brunswick, (which belonged much more to St. John and Mr. Ferrier), but he believed it was one which would go further towards the consummation of the much desired Union between the Provinces than anything which had yet taken place. Canada had not forgotten the noble conduct of New Brunswick during the Trent affair in the hour of danger -- how she had feasted and feted the soldiers sent to defend her sister Colony -- and sent them through with such despatch that but a few days elapsed between their landing in New Brunswick and their arrival at Quebec and Montreal. These provinces were destined yet to form a mighty nation. Their present exports and imports mounted to not less than $100,000,000, as much as those of Great Britain in the beginning of the last century. The time was soon coming when all the artificial barriers which now separated us would be broken down. The policy of Champlain, the first and greatest of Canadian statesmen, the founder of the City of Quebec, would yet have [to be] pursued. Champlain said at that remote day that it was necessary to have a basis of coast line to the Colony, and not a mere interior line which admitted of imperfect communication during certain seasons. Canada was beginning to feel this now, and the policy of Champlain would have to be carried out. The Canadians were a people proud of their name and nationality, for they came from that grand stock in which the blood of the Norman, the Saxon and the Celt had been fused together, and which had produced a race that for 800 years had resisted and repelled every foe. -- He believed and hoped that these Provinces were not destined to fall into the rapacious maw of a military democracy, -- that indeed would be an undesirable end. They could boast of a freedom which was real and not fictitious; which knew no distinction between man and man, but accorded equal rights to all. Our youth should be educated to believe that they were not merely New Brunswickers or Nova Scotians, but British Americans; and if this were more the case the small partizan feelings which divide us would perish, as the glorious light of the sun will sometimes put out the dying embers of a half extinguished fire. British America would then become a great nationality, possessing a Constitution which would reconcile law with liberty and security with freedom. -- What we first wanted and most wanted, was to know more of each other. He was told to-day of the case of the son of a leading Canadian who having gone up for his examination before the Military Board, and being asked where was the river Styx, answered "somewhere down in New Brunswick." He could not say that the present delegation were open to the reflection implied in the anecdote, but there was no doubt great absence of knowledge in each Province as to the extent, resources, and prospects of the other. -- What we next want is unity of interests with unity of institutions -- a society which could appeal to the imagination and the heart of youth, which would make the native of the valley of the St. John feel that under the flag of his birth he was still at home in the valley of the Saskatchewan. -- We were already free -- all we wanted was security -- we had liberty, we must acquire stability. -- The conference at Charlottetown would be called upon to show if this were possible -- if here in the true free North, we could build our new Society on the old foundations, so as to reconcile law and liberty, and create an example of a government at once powerful and free, for the benefit of our own posterity, and the instruction of the New World.

    The Chairman said that in bringing forward Mr. McGee they had evidently "struck ile." He then proposed: -- "Our Sister Colonies" -- Responded to by Hon. Mr. Wier, of Halifax, and Hon. Mr. Moore of Canada.

    Mr. Welsh then sung [i.e. sang] the "Maple Leaf."

    The Bench and Bar of British North America: -- Responded to by Mr. Duggan, Q.C., of Canada, in a witty speech. He rather rapped Mr. McGee over the knuckles about his being the youngest member of the bar present -- and having had only one case which he had gained, however. This brought Mr. McGee to his feet. He said he had a great respect for silk gowns when they were on the proper sex. He explained the case Mr. Duggan referred to, which was a small matter -- only in reference to a man shooting his wife! He proved that he had the small pox at the time and appealed to them as married men to acquit him, which they did. Mr. McGee said he had been so busy saving the country he had no time for any other case -- and the company could judge what a task he had to save a country which contained such members of the bar as Mr. Duggan. This was rather hard on Mr. Duggan but was thought an excellent joke and taken in good part.

    The Colonial Press: -- Responded to by Mr. Fenety, Queen's Printer, and Mr. McAuley of the Journal de Quebec.

    Mr. Ferrier then proposed "The Mayor and Corporation of Fredericton," to which the Mayor responded giving his first speech in English and afterwards in French.

    The administration of New Brunswick -- Proposed by Mr. Walsh; was responded to by the Hon. Mr. Tilley, who on rising was received with loud and continued applause.

    Mr. Tilley's Speech

    He said if he consulted the comfort of the guests he should say few words, and content himself with thanking them sincerely and heartily, as he did, for the honor done to himself and colleagues. He and they felt it not as a compliment specially paid to themselves personally, but to the people of New Brunswick through those who occupied the foremost political offices in their gift. In that spirit he accepted it, and as a member of the Executive and the Legislature returned them thanks. If ever a man desired to make a favorable impression on his hearers by speech-making, it was when a candidate went before his electors to solicit their suffrages, but he felt now a still stronger desire to possess the necessary eloquence to persuade and convince his hearers. For this was an occurrence and a meeting destined for good or evil to influence largely the future of these Colonies. He had heard many expressions of gratitude to himself from Canadians at the kindness shown them since they came into the Province. The gratitude was due, as Mr. McGee had truly said, to the Chamber of Commerce of St. John, and specially to the venerable chairman of that body, for thus bringing them so happily together. He felt a great interest in seeing a better understanding grow up between the Colonies. He felt it not only now, but had felt it -- had been strongly convinced of the necessity for it -- ever since he visited Toronto in 1851. In that year he visited Canada, and when in the city of Toronto visited the News Room and searched there in vain for a copy of any New Brunswick newspaper. Mr. Wier had found one Nova Scotia newspaper at Montreal, but he could fine none in Toronto from New Brunswick, until he sought it at the residence of a former New Brunswicker -- so little was the intercourse then between the Provinces, so little did western Canadians care to be informed of current events in the Colonies. It was not then as a favor conferred by New Brunswickers on the Canadians that he regarded these entertainments, but it was a favor to them that prominent men in both branches of the Legislature of Canada should come here to learn for themselves, and he hoped hereafter to take an interest in the people of New Brunswick -- their affairs, their progress. And he felt it of especial importance -- perhaps of greater than any -- that the representatives of the press should be there in such large numbers: for it was they who must disseminate the information now gathered among the people of Canada. They must mould the public opinion and enable legislators to carry the people with them, or induce the people to compel their legislators to adopt a correct and enlightened policy. All who had labored in New Brunswick to make the reception accorded worthy of their guests felt amply repaid by the gratification derived from their society; but there was not only pleasure to be reaped -- there was a patriotic purpose to serve, and that purpose could not be more effectually promoted than by the method adopted by the Chamber of Commerce, by bringing the representatives of the people in Parliament from Canada to see for themselves the kind of country this is, the progress it is making and the resources it possesses; to bring here representatives of the business community to find out how more extended trade relations could be formed and commerce increased; to bring here the men of the press to furnish them with information, and ask them not to paint New Brunswick or New Brunswickers better than they are, but to tell the honest, sober truth about us. As a member of the Government it would perhaps be improper for him to enter upon the discussion of a question there which it would be his duty to deliberate upon and discuss elsewhere -- the proposed political union of the Provinces, but he might properly speak of the need for the diffusion of further information about the trade of the country, and the need for increased and improved means of communication. While the apathy in Canada was such as he had described it, the most intense interest on this subject was felt throughout Maine and in Boston and in New York. They desired to extend business connection and increase the trade with New Brunswick, and thus men living under the same flag and owing a common allegiance to one sovereign, were less united in many respects than men living under different governments. He had endeavored, whether the proposed political relations should be established or not, to promote intercolonial trade. When Canada proposed to create an exceptional free trade with the Sister Colonies, the Imperial Government had overruled the proposition. Then the New Brunswick Government had set to work, and procured the co-operation of Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island, and upon their representations the Imperial Government was induced to grant leave to the colonies to make such trade arrangements among themselves as they deemed best. The Colonial manufacturer was thus granted a privilege denied to those of the Mother Country itself -- i.e. free entry for their wares into each colony. But in considering the subject among themselves they found difficulties in the way of these agreements, in the way of obtaining tariffs to facilitate the interchange of goods. There were differences of burdens which influenced the nature of the tariffs of each colony. To get a common tariff a common legislature was needed. In the approaching Conference, if no other union was worked out with Canada, at least they might establish a commercial union -- and he had long ago suggested that if no common legislature should be established, the members of the several governments should meet informally once a year to compare notes, to see what could best be done in common, and to submit the necessary measures to their respective legislatures to carry their decisions into effect. But he had also failed in that. They had only held one such meeting at Quebec, when they deliberated upon the subject of the Intercolonial railway. During the twenty years past these colonies had doubled their population, and more than doubled their wealth and commerce. In twenty years more at the same rate, they would have a population of 7,000,000. Would it be desirable -- would it be tolerable, that they should be cut up then as now, into petty fragments, and not form one great country which united might be powerful, of which all might feel proud? That was a question which the statesmen of to-day were called upon to consider -- for which they must find an answer. He could not of course say what the answer now would be; but he was certain that if Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island were now united in one Province no man would propose to separate them again. When New Brunswick was divided from Nova Scotia there were no railways and no steam navigation and the difficulty of reaching the capital from the more distant ports of the Province led to a demand for division. With a railway which would allow a person to leave Halifax on one day and reach Quebec the next, these reasons for division would disappear. There was another reason for a closer union. Great Britain would doubtless ask and might reasonably ask us as we increased in population and wealth, and he believed we should be willing to concede that we should make fuller provision for our own defence; and that defence could be much more effectively provided for if made out of the common united resources of all British North America. As statesmen they should look forward to bind together the Atlantic and Pacific by a continuous chain of settlements and line of communication, for that he believed to be the destiny of this country, and the race which inhabited it. And therefore it was that he had been among the warmest advocates of the Intercolonial railway. And united the internal trade of that vast country must be very great in a few years. With the United States our trade was embarrassed and to some extent cut off by a hostile tariff, and must continue to be so. But as the free interchange of the produce of the several States had contributed so much to build up the riches of that country, so doubtless a similar freedom of interchange would give a fresh impetus to every branch of trade and Industry among ourselves. With such resources as we would then possess, backed by the power of the greater, and most enlightened of countries the world has ever seen, who would venture to set bounds to the future of this Northern portion of the North American continent? For his part, he would acknowledge, despite the check of official reserve, he desired and hoped to see this union. But whether it came or not, New Brunswick had desired to show to her elder and greater sister that she was worthy to be a member of the same family -- to win her affections if she could, but at all events to compel her respect. -- [Loud and prolonged cheers.]

    He stood as the representative of New Brunswick between the representatives of the two Sister Colonies, and he would now join hands with them, (which he did, suiting the action to the word and graspeing the hand of Mr. Ferguson, of Canada, on the one side, and Mr. Wiers, of Halifax, on the other,) and he trusted that they would remain one and forever inseparable. - Renewed applause.

    Mr. Daly then sang a French Canadian song which was well received by the company.

    Mr. Rawlings proposed a volunteer toast -- "The Ladies of the sister Province."

    Mr. Wallbridge was called upon to respond. He said he did not know why he had been selected unless it was because he had always been an advocate of representation by population. He praised the ladies of New Brunswick, although he said he had not seen as much of them as he should have wished.

    Dr. […] also spoke on the same subject, and from the able manner in which he handled it I should judge it to be one with which he was quite familiar.

    Mr. Hathaway also made a speech, in which he informed by company that he was a modest young man and various other matters too numerous to mention. He concluded by proposing "The St. John Chamber of Commerce."

    Mr. John Boyd responded. His speech was a combination of good stories, told in his usual happy manner, ready wit, and natural eloquence. He spoke of the future which was in store for New Brunswick and all the North American Colonies, if they were only true to themselves, and concluded with an eloquent peroration on liberty.

    Mr. McKellar, of Canada, also spoke, and gave numerous statistics in reference to the greatness and wealth of Canada.

    At one o'clock the party separated, after singing "Auld lang syne," and "God save the Queen." This ended one of the most pleasant and orderly dinner parties that ever was assembled in New Brunswick. Every person was delighted, and although during the evening, the opening of champagne bottles seemed like the rapid discharge of musketry, every one retired in good order.

    Next morning the guests were driven to the University, Cathedral, Exhibition Building, and several other places of interest, and at 10 A.M. all repaired to Government House, where the Governor held a levee. After the guests had been presented His Excellency spoke as follows:

    Lieut. Governor's Speech

    Gentlemen, -- I rejoice that my return to New Brunswick should have taken place at a moment which enables me to take part in the welcome which you have here received, whilst I regret that the late period of my arrival should necessarily preclude me from evincing, as I should have desired to do, that no other inhabitants of the Province can be more anxious than myself to render the period of your visit one of which the retrospect may dwell long and pleasantly in your minds.

    I trust that this visit may not only be productive of pleasure to yourselves and of increased good will between the inhabitants of the sister Provinces of this continent, but that it will also tend to accelerate the arrival of that day when no longer kept apart by separate interests, no longer divided by conflicting tariffs and discordant laws, the people of British North America shall be united citizens of one mighty state -- strong, great and prosperous and contented -- free, whilst staunchly loyal -- loyal, though truly free.

    To you, gentlemen of this Province, who have come to welcome my on my return, I desire to say that although my visit to my native country and my family has been one of unmixed pleasure, it gives me the utmost satisfaction to find myself once more in this my western home.

    Corporation Address CORPORATION ADDRESS

    At 10.50, the Corporation of Fredericton presented an address to the Canadians, of which the following is a copy.

    To the Honorable […] the Members of the Legislative Council and Members of the Legislative Assembly of Canada.

    The Address of the Mayor and Corporation of the City of Fredericton.

    We have, gentlemen, much pleasure in extending to you the right hand of fellowship, and giving you a sincere and hearty welcome to this our small but loyal city. As fellow subjects of the same mighty Empire, and enjoying alike the blessings of self government and constitutional freedom, we trust that this, your visit to our Province, is but the precursor to a better acquaintance, and to a more intimate connection; and that the time is now at hand when, through the medium of the "Iron Horse," our mutual visits will become matters of every day occurrence, and be conducive to the mutual interests of these British North American Colonies. -- On behalf of the Corporation of the City of Fredericton.


    John A. Beckwith, Mayor,
    John L. Marsh, City Clerk.

    Canadians' Reply.

    The Hon. Mr. McGee replied as follows:

    Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen, I am requested by the Hon. Mr. Ferrier, on behalf of the Upper House of the Canadian Parliament, and by my colleagues of the House to which I have the honor to belong, to express to you and the citizens of Fredericton their grateful sense of the extraordinary, and universal kindness which has been shown us since our arrival in this City. We cordially reciprocate on our part, Mr. Mayor, the wishes you have expressed for a more intimate intercourse between these provinces, and we hope that the present visit may be considered as an auspicious commencement to such an intimacy. I believe it is intended by the Canadian party to take some fitting moment before passing on their way into Nova Scotia, to give some more full and formal expression of the sense of obligation to our brethren of New Brunswick than any impromptu words of mine can convey.

    But before I close I think I can say for us all unitedly, that we hope arrangements to enable both the representatives of your municipal and legislative bodies, the representatives of your hospitality as well as of your franchise, to return us this visit in Canada. Should you do so I think we who are here may venture to assure you that one and all Canadians, of all origins, and all parts of our Province, would endeavour to show you by better evidence than words how deeply your present reception has sunk into our hearts and memories.

    By 11.30 most of the company were on board the "Anna Augusta," and a few minutes before twelve we were steaming away from the Celestial City. Everyone was more than satisfied with the reception, and among the reminiscences which our Canadian friends will cherish of New Brunswick, that of their visit to Fredericton will not be the least pleasing.

    The Provincial Secretary and other members of the Government accompanied us down as far as Sheffield. The Mayor of Fredericton was also of the party, and will accompany the Canadians to Halifax.

    On the way down the Canadians gave us some specimens of French songs, and the time passed very pleasantly. Mr. Boyd also, who was on board, kept the company in a roar with his admirable Irish stories and his excellent rendition of Lord Dundreary.

    Source: "The Canadian visit: the trip to Fredericton," Saint John Morning Telegraph, August 10, 1864, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Concerning the grand union

    Source: "Concerning the grand union," Saint John Morning Telegraph, September 16, 1864, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • The Dinner at Quebec

    The following article is from: Saint John Morning Telegraph October 24, 1864, p. 2

    The apartment, better known as Russell's Concert Hall, had been most tastefully decorated for the occasion. Flags were suspended from the balcony at the upper end of the room which was occupied by the band; and the walls were covered with a profusion of bright bunting relieved by wreaths of evergreens placed at intervals. Immediately beneath the gallery appeared the words "Intercolonial Railway" encircled with a tastefully woven garland. At the lower end, painted in corresponding style was the sentence "Welcome to our Guests". Along the wall on one side were the names "Nova Scotia", "Prince Edward's Island". and the other "Canada", "Newfoundland" and "New Brunswick" – all beautifully wreathed. These, with "Union is Strength" and "Ships, Colonies and Commerce", made up the decorations of the room. The tables were very well arranged. Two long tables occupied the sides of the apartment, while in the centre there were three smaller tables. One of these was allotted to the members of the press and was an excellent position both for seeing and hearing.

    Sir Richard Mc Donnell, Lieut.-Governor of Nova Scotia, Hon. Mr. Brown, Hon. Mr. Archibald, M.P.P. of Nova Scotia, and Mr. Huot. M.P.P. for Quebec East, sent letters of apology, being unavoidably prevented from being present.

    Mr. Joseph, President of the Board of Trade, occupied the chair. On his right sat Col. the Hon. H. Gray, President of the Executive Council of Prince Edward Island, Hon. Mr. Tilley, Secretary of New Brunswick, and Hon. Sir E. P. Tache, Premier of Canada. On his left was the Hon. Mr. Tupper, Provincial Secretary of Nova Scotia, the Hon. Mr. Carter, of Newfoundland, the Hon. J. A. Macdonald, and the Hon. Mr. Gray, of New Brunswick.

    The Vice-Chairman, Mr. Scott, had on his right the Hon. Mr. Johnston, Attorney-General of New Brunwsick, the Hon. Mr. Haviland, of P. E. Island, and the Hon. Mr. Steeves, of New Brunswick; and on his left Hon. Mr. Henry, Attorney-General of Nova Scotia, and the Hon. Mr. Galt, Finance Minister of Canada.

    Mr. Stevenson had charge of one end of the Vice-Chairman's table, and Mr. Lee of the other. On either hand of the latter sat Hon. Mr. Mitchell, M.L.C. of New Brunswick, Hon. Mr. Langevin, Sol.-Gen. L.C., Mons. A. Gauthier, Consul Gen. of France in Canada, Hon. Mr. Fisher, M.P.P. of New Brunswick, Hon. Mr. Mowatt, Postmaster General of Canada, and Hon. Mr. Gingras M.L.C. for Stadacona Division.

    At the smaller tables in the centre of the room Messrs. Grant, Clint, Fry and Dunn presided, and among the guests at these tables were -- Hon. Mr. Mr. McGee, Minister of Agriculture of Canada. Hon. Mr. Coles, M.P.P. of Prince Edward Island, Hon. Mr. Palmer, Attorney General of Prince Edward Island, Hon. Mr. Chandler, M.L.C. of New Brunswick, Hon. Mr. Pope, Colonial Secretary of Prince Edward Island, Hon. Mr. Carling of London, C.W., His Worship the Mayor of Quebec, Baron Falkenberg, Con. Gen of Sweden and Norway.

    There were numerous other tables and a host of guests, merchants, lawyers, editors and others. On offering the toast "Our Guests, the Delegates from the Maritime Province," the Chairman an said that --

    The merchants of Quebec had reason to feel a legitimate pride that they had here, as their guests, this evening, gentlemen occupying such a high position in the sister provinces, assembled in this city in order to discuss a highly important subject. (Cheers.) And while the merchants of Quebec did not think they were called upon to express an opinion on the question of confederation itself, they all heartily desired some change in our present position -- they desired a through commercial union -- they desired that the unequal and hostile tariffs of the several provinces should disappear. (Cheers.) We wanted one tariff instead of five. We wanted a commercial union in order to bring about closer ties, and we wanted that union under one flag -- the flag of old England. (Loud Cheers.) We wished, too, that this union should be strengthened still further by the iron ties of the Intercolonial railway. (Cheers.) It had long been the habit to call the maritime colonies by the name of the sister provinces; but notwithstanding this appelation [sic] they were strangers to us and we were strangers to them, as was shown them by the diversity of the tariffs. But let us hope that a new era was about dawning upon us, now when we saw the great statesmen of the B. N. American provinces assembled in this city, in this month of Oct. 1864 -- let us hope that if we did not obtain a political union, we should at least have a commercial union. (Cheers.) A vast number of our people were interested in ship building, and he was glad to know that it was a highly important interest among the inhabitants of the Lower Provinces also. Referring to the Reciprocity Treaty, he might say that it was not framed with any particular view to the interests of the eastern section of the Province; but we were as willing to stand by it as others, and when the proper time came we should unite with Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland, and Prince Edward Island and say that we should also have free trade in shipbuilding. He would now propose the toast of the evening -- "Our Guests, the delegates from the Maritime Provinces" and he spoke the wish of the merchants of Quebec, when he said he trusted the delegates would receive this small compliment to themselves in the same open, cordial, unreserved spirit in which it had been tendered. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Tilley, of New Brunswick, Dr. Tupper, of Nova Scotia, Col. Gray, of P. E. Island, and Mr. Carter, of Newfoundland, responded.

    Mr. Tilley's Speech

    Hon. Mr. Tilley (Secretary of New Brunswick) said the reception of the toast was complimentary to the delegates; but they could not take it all to themselves; it must rather be looked upon as the hearty endorsement of the great subject they were discussing. The delegates from the Lower Provinces were not here seeking this union. They had assembled at Charlottetown a few weeks ago, in order to see whether they could not extend their own family relations, and then Canada intervened, and the consideration of the larger question was the result. He considered it right to make this remark, inasmuch as it had been asserted in certain quarters that the Maritime Provinces, weak and impoverished, were -- endeavouring to attach themselves to Canada, in order to reap the benefits arising from such a union. This was not the case. Look at the immense amount of shipping they owned. He was in a position to state that, for the year 1864 , after paying the interest on all their debts and after providing liberally for roads, bridges, and other public works, they would have a surplus of half of million. (Cheers.) Therefore they were not coming in as paupers -- they were coming to put something into the capital that was worth having -- Next, alluding to the Intercolonial Railway project, he said their feeling on this subject was: "We won't have this union unless you give us the Railway". (Cheers.) It was utterly impossible we could have either a political or commercial union without it. With regard to the latter, he might say that he had at one time believed with others that we could have commercial without political union; he now held with his hon. friend the Premier of Nova Scotia (Mr. Tupper) that it was all but impracticable, as was easily shown by the question of tariffs to which the hon. gentleman had referred. Without going into details, he might say that it was the opinion of the Conference that union was desirable if the details could be satisfactorily arranged. Of course, in making these arrangements we should have to have due regard to the wants, requirements and even in some degree to the prejudices of the people. Even in the Lower Provinces the tariffs acted adversely to each other. He asked them as commercial men, was it desirable that this state of affairs should continue. (Cries of "No." "No.") He saw no other way of obviating those difficulties except by a political union. He would not now refer at say great length to the defence question, inasmuch as he had here the gallant colonel from Prince Edwards Island (Col. Gray.) who had made it his special study. He would however, remark that the anxiety respecting the subject of defence in New Brunswick was not intense among the masses of the people. This was because the population was very small, and the people felt that their individual effort would be useless. But throw the three hundred thousand souls of New Brunswick in with the population of Canada and the other provinces, making a total of four or five millions; and twice as much in the way of a defence contingent might be obtained from New Brunswick; because the people would feel that they were part of a great nation. (Cheers.) If details could be satisfactory arranged it was advisable we should be united in one great Confederation. Look for instance at the example offered by Canada. Since the Union of Canada its population had increased from a little over a million to two millions and a half. He hoped for the best; and with the intelligence of which the Conference was composed, he trusted they would overcome all difficulties; and that they would soon meet in Quebec, Montreal, and Ottawa to consummate the union. (Laughter and cheers.)

    Source: "The dinner at Quebec," Saint John Morning Telegraph, October 24, 1864, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • The New Dominion

    The following article is from: The Saint John Morning News, July 1, 1867, p. 2

    Edward Willis, Editor
    Monday Morning

    For good or for ill we this day enter upon a new and most important phase of our political existence. No longer isolated from contiguous Sister Colonies, an intimate union with whom, a common origin, a community of interests, a substantial similarity of political institutions and political predilections have combined to suggest, we start upon our new career with all the omens favorable to our success.

    We cherish high expectations of future prosperity for the New Dominion. We anticipate a vast development of manufacturing industry, a wide extension for our shipping and commerce, and a rapid increase to our population. The resources of the Dominion are varied and great; and the spirit of its people will rise to a level with their position and their opportunities. The Dominion will make for itself a name in the world worthy of the honored stock from which its people sprang. Its sons, always proud of their ancestry, will soon grow proud of their country.

    We expect this glowing future to be wrought out by no magic unknown to other people who have been wise to profit by the advantages which have fallen to their lot. On the contrary, we rely upon the solid virtues of manly industry, of active enterprize, of political and commercial forethought and of sagacious combination for the common good, operating on the wide and favorable arena which union will secure, to work out for us all the marvels which we venture to predict.

    We do not suppose that we shall have nothing but sunshine along the pathway which we are about to traverse. Far from it. There will be pestilence sometimes to decimate our households. There will be blights and mildews and army worms and kindred evils to famish our fields. There will be floods to drown our meadows and tempests to sink our ships. Cruel wars, let us hope they will always be distant from us, will interrupt the course of trade; and commercial revulsions will slacken the sinews of labor. From the common lot of mortals there is no escape within or without the Union.

    There will be a strenuous demand for high intelligence and sterling integrity to guide safely and skillfully the helm of state. The old fashioned virtues of industry, frugality and honesty will have a wide scope to shew how prosperous they will make any people who faithfully cultivate them.

    Brought face to face with the grave responsibilities of our new position, let the clamors of faction die out. Let the friends and the foes of a Union that is now consummated to do their utmost to make it an unspeakable and lasting benefit to their common country. We trust the day is not far distant when the Union will amply vindicate itself to the perfect satisfaction of those now the most hostile to its claims and the most doubtful of its prospective advantages.

    Source: "The new dominion," The Saint John Morning News, July 1, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • The Nation's Birthday!

    The following article is from: The Saint John Morning News July 1, 1867, p. 2

    Let our voices be heard on this glorious morn
    In anthems of joy, for a NATION is born;
    A companion for her who rules o'er the wave--
    The foe of the tyrant--the friend of the slave.

    Born--not 'mid the battle-field's carnage and woe,
    Where father and brother and friend are laid low;
    Borne away on the breast of the crimson-dyed wave
    From the glory of life to the gloom of the grave.

    Her form rises not from the ashes of death,
    Her brow is untouched by war's pestilent breath;
    Crime breathes not the air which refreshes her life,
    And ne'er has she gazed on the red flag of strife.

    But the sword which has slain every foe in her way,
    Severs not the dear ties of fond hearts in its play;
    It leaves not a dark stain of horror behind--
    'Tis the bright sword of TRUTH--the weapon of MIND.

    It flashed in the sunlight of earth's dawning hour,
    And gleaned 'mid the darkness of tyranny's power;
    Dark compacts of wrong it has severed in twain,
    And guarded the goddess of RIGHT in her reign.

    And ne'er has it conquered in error's dark night,
    Or swift put the foes of progression to flight,
    With such effortless power as it conquers to-day,
    And CANADA draws her first breath 'neath its sway.

    Yes, our Nation is born on the bosom of Peace;
    May her glory grow bright and her power increase;
    O'er her head may no cloud of adversity rise,
    But smooth be her pathway and stormless her skies.

    And O may that God whom the Heavens doth hide,
    Be our country's defender, her guardian and guide;
    That CANADA ne'er from her seat may be hurled
    'Till she falls in her might with the fall of the World.

    Chatham July 1st, 1867. MELVILLE.

    Source: "The nation's birthday!," The Saint John Morning News, July 1, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain


  • Letter to the editor from C. F. Bennett

    The following article is from: The Morning Chronicle (St. John's), Monday, December 7, 1868

    To the Editor Morning Chronicle:

    Sir -- When I recently intruded myself on the public notice in the columns of your Journal, on the subject of Confederation, I did so reluctantly, but was urged thereto by a deep sense of duty, which I felt I owed to the inhabitants of this country -- a country in which I have lived between fifty and sixty years, from many of whose people I have received much kindness, and with whom I have been more or less associated in public, social and commercial relations during that period. Little as this great question can interest myself at my advanced time of life, comparatively with others, and when I am from necessity about to leave the country to spend the few years that are yet to be spared to me free from toil and the anxieties of business, I cannot witness the pending ruin that threatens the future prosperity and happiness of the people without pointing it out to them. For the past few years, as I have previously stated, the Confederates have, under the patronage of the Government, with the use of the public revenues, by dogmatic assertions wholly unfounded in truth, and by every other means in their power, been urging and enforcing on the public the adoption of Confederation, without (down to the present time) having given one single substantial reason, or having pointed out one benefit that the Colony is to derive from entering into that Confederacy.

    Since the publication of my former letter, the whole of the Press retained by the Government, (and I regret to say that the number of those not so retained is extremely limited, not exceeding three, or at most four in the whole colony,) have been more or less abusive of me for the part I have taken; and instead of answering my letter and my stubborn facts by fair arguments, are reiterating their old, baseless, and untenable assertions that Confederation is to be a good thing, but omitting to show in what manner. The Express would divert my own, as well as the public attention, from Confederation to subjects altogether apart from it -- namely, the merits and demerits of Responsible Government, and the conflicting disputes between the present Government and the one preceding the introduction of Responsible Government. He adduces a long list of figures to show that Responsible Government, (as he and Mr. Glen call it, but which I call the Irresponsible Government,) has been more economical and better than any preceding Government; but to the correctness of this I take a decided objection, and may, when I am more at leisure, be inclined to show them in other figures that it is not so. On this subject I will, however, on the present occasion limit myself simply by asserting of the fact that the only really Responsible Government that we ever had, in practice, was the Government they are now attempting to vilify -- namely, the one that preceded what is termed the Responsible Government. That Government not only had a check upon the conduct of the House of Assembly, (the majority of which were using every possible means to get rid of it to afford them the opportunity they have since had of feathering their own nests at the public expense,) but they had also the check of the Governor and without the joint consent of these two branches not a sixpence could be spent by those who formed the Government; for had they expended the public money, without it they would have had to pay it back out of their own pockets, and might possibly have lost their places; and gladly would the hostile House of Assembly have availed themselves of the opportunity of so punishing them for the honest and sensible opposition which they had so long offered to the grasping propensities of those who were seeking to establish the present Irresponsible system. It would have been a happy circumstance for this Colony had these gentlemen been permitted to conduct the Government, a work for which they were so thoroughly competent, instead of admitting the worse than imbecile and incompetent men who succeeded to their places. The Colony would thus have saved the salaries of those competent persons who, on vacating their offices, were pensioned for their lives at a large cost, thus entailing on the people a double charge for the expenses of the Executive Government with what profit to the people, the present increased and excessive burdens on them will show. Had these efficient and honest men remained in office, the foregoing unnecessary outlay would not only have been saved, but so would also the enormous debt that afterwards accumulated, in the prodigal and reckless expenditure of the public money, and the consequent heavy taxation that followed, besides the fifty pounds additional taxation on every hundred pounds imposed within the last two years. Now what is the case with the present so-called Responsible Government? The control, by bribery and corruption, the majority in the House of Assembly; and as regards the Governor, who did previously exercise some influence over public affairs, his powers are a nullity, excepting where Imperial interests are concerned. The ministry are paramount, whether for evil or for good; and what do the Government care about the people, so long as they can, through their paid minions, bribe and corrupt (through the power they possess in the Treasury and in patronage) the Electors, and thus retain their places, their salaries, and other emoluments for the greater part unknown to the people? We have witnessed the beginning of this system and its continuance thus far. Within the last two years, as I have before stated, instead of being limited to the heavy tax of one hundred pounds, previously paid, we are now compelled to pay little if anything short of fifty pounds additional on every hundred. These are the blessings and the "advantages" we are deriving from what the Express and Mr. Glen call Responsible Government. Not satisfied with these enormous rates of advance in the taxes, the Government have been contemplating and enunciating through the Press (to prepare the public for it) a still further increase. Will the public, I ask, ever open their eyes and organize themselves to resist the oppression!

    The elections are, it is said to come on in May next. It is also reported, and that by a leading Confederate, that before that time the principle of Confederation is to be carried through the House of Assembly, and that a majority of its members are prepared to pass it. If so, there is in my opinion one obstacle only in the way to prevent it -- and that is, the pledge given by our excellent and honorable Premier, who although a strong Confederate, and one of the two delegates who went to Canada, has hitherto resisted the carrying of that measure until he has redeemed the promise which he made -- namely, that he would not allow the measure to pass through the House of Assembly until an appeal had, in the first place, been made to the Electors on the subject at a General Election, and which promise I feel assured he will keep. At that General Election the Electors will have the power in their own hands, and I now caution them against the machinations of those who have so illy [sic] discharged their duties towards them, and to consider what is their own interest in the matter, and who will be fit and proper persons for them to elect to express their views on this all important subject, and to discharge the other responsible duties that may be entrusted to them. The Electors will then have had four years experience of their present members, who, with some exceptions in the patriots that are known to them, have not only been found wanting, but they will have discovered that they have been the real cause of all our present public miseries. Let the people appeal to their own experience -- let them ascertain for themselves what it is that they have to complain of, and whether there be any foundation for complaint, and to what extent their present members have been parties of their grievances. Let them take up the papers, and read what has been written and said on both sides of the question. They will then, I think and feel assured, understand and be convinced that what I assert is true -- that the real meaning of Confederation is the handing over the management of all our public affairs to the Canadian Parliament, more than a thousand miles distant from Newfoundland -- that those Canadians who know little or nothing of the Colony will have the power of governing them, and of taxing them to any extent they may think proper -- that they will have the power also of drafting our young and middle-aged men to serve in their army and navy, and that when ordered to do so they must leave their mothers, sisters, wives and children, their friends, their homes and their native country, and go to Canada, there possibly to contribute to the "bleaching bones" we have heard so much of by leaving their bodies on the field of battle. It would take many sheets of paper were I to enumerate all the sacrifices and vexatious imposts to which the people of this Colony would be subjected. The Confederates, nevertheless, tell the people that Confederation is sure to be a good thing; but have they ever pointed out one single benefit that our people will receive from it? Have they ever told the people all that they will have to suffer from it, and the miseries it will entail? Have they ever told them what nice fat offices the Confederate leaders are permanently to fill if they carry Confederation? Have they every told them what interest they have in the Colony that would be proof against accepting the bribe of office? No! It would not be convenient to their purposes to give the people any such information on any of these subjects. Their great object is to mystify (as lawyers are in the habit of doing) the subject of Confederation, and to keep the people ignorant of its consequences to them. My reason for opposing Confederation is because I believe, and I know, that it is to bring greater wretchedness upon the country than exists here at present, and that that is great is well known to be quite true; and besides which the people must know right well that what is my interest in this question is that their interest, and what is their interest is mine -- our interests are identical and cannot be separated. I am in the same boat with them, struggling for our common safety, with the endeavor to avoid the threatening storm that may otherwise overwhelm us, and therefore I can have no object in deceiving them. The people of this Colony are depending for their subsistence on its fisheries and mining resources, and their interest is to obtain a large reduction in the amount of the taxation which presses so heavily on those industries, and is the cause of the present unhappy state of the Colony; but if the fisheries fail and the taxation be not reduced, what better hope have they for the future if they go into Confederation and be additionally taxed? The failure of the fisheries is only a temporary evil which the next year may remedy, but Confederation with the resulting increase of taxation would be paralyzing curses on the Colony, which no after efforts of the Electors could remove. Let us all then prepare to meet the arch-enemy. Let us organise and be ready for the coming contest, and when the day of battle comes, let us show these few gentlemen of St. John's, who treat the people as though they were blocks of stone, possessing no brains, that there is a power in the country, physical and moral, superior to the power of their arrogance and their scheming, that is able to bring back once more to Newfoundland the prosperity which existed in times of old, before they came into power and made the Colony the wretched desert which it now is.

    Yours, &c.,
    C. F. Bennett.

    Source: [Letter to the editor from C. F. Bennett], The Morning Chronicle (St. John's), December 7, 1868.
    © Public Domain

  • No Confederation!

    The following article is from: The Morning Chronicle (St. John's) September 28, 1869, p. 1

    No Confederation !
    Reduced (not Increased) Taxation!!
    Let us keep our Fisheries to Ourselves! -- Let us keep our Lands, Mines and Minerals to Ourselves!! -- Let us keep our Revenue to Ourselves!!!
    Newfoundland for the Newfoundlanders

    No Rewards for Traitors
    No Militia Laws for Our Young Men
    No Drafting for Our Sailors.
    Let us Stick to our Old Mother Country, Great Britain, the TRUE Land of the Brave and Home of the Free!!
    Let us Never Change the Union Jack for the Canadian Beaver!!
    Never give to Canada the Right of Taxing Us.

    What is Confederation?

    It is Taxation without limit upon our imports, our Exports, and upon all kinds of property to be levied--not by our people but by Canadians, residing more than a thousand miles from us, and who know nothing of our resources or requirements, and care less.

    It is the giving up of all control over our valuable Fisheries, vesting the management of them in the hands of the Canadians to be disposed of as they deem proper.

    It is the giving up to Canada all our Lands, our Timber, our Mines and our Minerals, for a petty and insufficient consideration.

    It is the sending of our Revenue to Canada to aid the people of that country in paying the interest of their Debts, in building Railroads, Canals, and other Public Works, from which Newfoundland can receive no benefit. We should spend our money amongst ourselves, in giving employment to our people, in the making and repairing of our own roads, and other necessary improvements.

    It is the appointment of Canadians to our public offices, instead of the people of the country.

    It is the giving good fat berths to a few lawyers and many loafers, who have by their bad Governments brought the people to the verge of starvation, and their children to nakedness and want.

    It is the giving of fat offices, under the Canadian Government, to those who are endeavouring to sell the country and its people.

    Under the Canadian Government the young men of the country will be subject to the Militia Laws of the Dominion and our young fishermen will be pressed to man their Ships of War.

    It is the severing of our connection with Great Britain--the strongest, the most prosperous and most generous nation in the world. And for what? To join an incongruous and hybrid people, in whom we have no interests whatever, and never can have.

    Under consideration our shipping would have to hand down the proud old British Ensign, and sail under the hybrid flag of Canada.

    If the people of this Colony join the Dominion, they give to Canada the power of taxing them "by all and every mode or system of taxation." [These are the words of the Act of Union.] Will our people consent to this?

    Let it be understood that the Anti-Confederates of the country are strong and mean to contest every District. Messrs. C. P. Bennett, Walter Grieve, and other Gentlemen, have been North and will shortly visit the South and Western Districts. Let the people make no promises until they hear what these gentlemen have to say on the subject.

    The elections will be held November 13th next and the people should remember that if the measure of Confederation be carried, they can NEVER afterwards, retrace the step they take. If we go into Confederation, we go in not for one, ten or a hundred years but -- FOREVER! No matter to what extent we may be taxed -- once in we must stay in.

    It is the duty therefore of every man to consider this matter carefully. If he values his liberty he will vote with the Anti-Confederates against increased taxes and Irresponsible Government.

    The price fixed by the Confederates on the people is four shillings per head -- the price of a sheepskin -- at which price they have offered to sell them to Canada. Are our people willing to be sold with their Lands and Privilege of Self-Government, like the Negro or Russian […] to their inferior neighbours, the unprincipled and reckless political gamblers who conduct the government of Canada and who have within the last ten years increased the debt of that country from Fifteen to One Hundred Millions of Dollars?

    Are they willing that any portion of their Revenue should be sent to Canada to be spent in that country, when it is so badly wanted here to feed our own poor, to provide for Education and our present half-paid schoolmasters, to make and repair our own Roads, and to encourage our own Agriculture? Let those who pay the taxes, our Fishermen and Planters, decide this question -- for it is the Fish, which the fishermen catch, and the planters corn that pays all the taxes, and not the Lawyers and those other bloodsuckers that have been so long living and fattening on the vitals of the people. The interest lies in completing the bargain sought to be made, so that they may pocket the price to be paid them for their perfidy

    Let the electors remember the fact that should we go into Confederation, the act of Union gives the privilege to the Dominion Government to alter any stipulations they may have made with us and the other Provinces; and that however disadvantageous those arrangements may be, we shall not have the power of releasing ourselves from them. Once in, as we before said, we are in forever.

    At this time there is scarcely one individual among us who cannot exercise some influence over the taxations, its approbation and other Legislative Affairs of the Colony, but when our Legislature is gone from us and we are ruled by the Canadian Parliament let the people ask themselves what influence the most influential man among them could exercise over the Parliament of Canada, and what chance any Newfoundlander would have of filling any public office in it.

    Source: "No Confederation," The Morning Chronicle (St. John's), September 28, 1869, p. 1.
    © Public Domain

  • Confederation in Newfoundland

    The following article is from: The Newfoundlander (St. John's) Tuesday, October 5, 1869

    In the following paragraphs, taken from a late Halifax paper, we have Mr. Bennett's account of, --

    The following are extracts from a letter received in this city from a leading man in Newfoundland.

    ST. JOHN'S, Sept. 15th, 1869.

    I have just returned from the northern settlements of this colony, and I am sure you will be pleased to know from me that nearly the whole of the people whom, I have seen are determinedly opposed to Confederation, and I feel confident that no money that Canada may send to aid the confederate candidates can secure their return. We, the Antis, will greet with joy all the money they may send, as will the poorer of our people in pocketing it; but there is too much virtue among our honest and hardy population to sell their birthright, their power of self-government, for pelf. Heed not what our hireling press says; -- they are paid to inculcate untruths. I question whether a single Confederate will be returned at our next elections, to take place in November, although some persons calculate on six out of thirty.

    The news from the westward and south is equally favourable. The Antis have successfully stormed the very strongholds of the Confederates. We are no annexationists; we wish to hold on to the old country, in spite of the bad policy manifested by its present ministers, who have been too much influenced by the money-dealers of London, who are the great holders of the Canadian bonds and Railway scrip, and who have used that power to secure, at the cost of the Maritime Provinces, a better security than Canada could offer for that stock. The people of England are ignorant of the facts which have produced this ruinous policy and alienated a loyal people, whilst it has at the same time embarrassed her commercial and political relations with the United States.

    If the fact were not before us in black and white one would refuse to believe that a man appearing to hold any claim to respectability could have strung together this farrago of falsehoods and calumny. Mr. Bennett has been for some time living in an atmosphere of untruths - they have been to him meat, drink, clothing and washing all together. Bountifully supplied with these manufactures of his creatures by day and by night, his emulative aspirations were fired, and he at last resolved that in this letter to the Halifax papers he would outdo in the line of fabrication the most shameless of those whom he has filling with good cheer at his nightly regalings. To his credit it must be confessed, we think, he has succeeded in distancing them all in an avocation for which he must now regret that the extent of his aptitudes remained undiscovered till declining years leave him so short a time to devote to these congenial performances.

    Mr. Bennett's Halifax correspondent will learn with surprise that those districts which he visited are Confederate strongholds - the very quarters where, he knows, the Antis have neither chance nor hope of success. We don't know, and we don't say, that he was uncivilly received by the people he went to lecture; but we do know and say that the people in those localities knew well their man and his mission, and that they made him know them in a manner which he did not mistake. With all their knowledge of him, however, we dare say, they will confess when they see his present letter, that he has given them a new light. They rightly regarded him as a man wholly absorbed in the pursuit of selfish ends and regardless of the means by which he could compass them. They felt that his professions of concern for them and for the country were utterly dishonest, and that he would sacrifice them all ten times over to keep his millions of acres to himself and to escape payment of his royalty which will soon become due. But that he would falsify facts to the extent now disclosed - that he would publish to the world that in his assertions he was proof against the restraints of decency or the semblance of decency - this, we believe, the Northerners were not prepared to witness; and whatever they may have thought of him before, they will now know how to supplement their estimate to the requisite enlargement.

    The character he gives of the people of the colony is specially notable. "The poorer of our people," according to Mr. Bennett, "will greet with joy and will pocket any money they may send from Canada," They are "virtuous" enough to do this, but "too honest to sell their birthright." While he supplied this description of "virtue" to himself and his Anti fraternity, no one could dispute the correctness of his portraiture. But when he steps outside this circle and brands "the poor" of the whole country with the last degree of baseness and fraud, he perpetrates a libel too foul and too audacious for any pen but his own.

    "The present ministers and the people of England" are accused of "bad policy and of ignorance" by this wondrous luminacy. This is remarkable somewhat, for these stupid ministers and the people may be presumed to have had the benefit of Mr. Bennett's instruction during those two thirds of each year which he spends with them, while the remaining third is too long to give to Newfoundland. But he seems to forget that his favourite Tory Ministers were just as ignorant and impolite on the matter of Confederation, which they endorsed and commended quite as strongly as Mr. Gladstone and his friends. There will be grief and dismay in Downing Street when the news reaches them that their knowledge and policy are not up to the mark to find favor with this eminently qualified critic; and they will probably be grateful for the kind intimation that, after all, he is not "an annexationist" and really will not abjure the "old country" if he can but educate her "ministers and people" up to his own level and that of the Anti league of Newfoundland!

    This whole picture by Mr. Bennett presents a melancholy and memorable spectacle of that havoc which extreme selfishness and fanaticism can make of a man's titles to the indulgence or pity of his fellow men. Here is a person whose very age alone, if he had no other claim, would, under ordinary circumstances, secure for his acts something like lenient and forbearant consideration. Nobody cares to criticise with severity the vagaries of age while they are at all kept within the limits of reasonable endurance, and this reluctance is a right and commendable feeling. But in the case of Mr. Bennett, those years which should plead in excuse, only serve to deepen mens' disgust for his exhibitions. The passion of greed so all-consuming at his time of life as to render him reckless of truth and self-respect, is shown by his statements and by his present associates, marks the man out as an object of scorn to every rightly constituted mind.

    Source: "Confederation in Newfoundland," The Newfoundlander (St. John's), October 5, 1869, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Call to action

    Source: "Call to action," The Confederate, April 7, 1948, p. 1.
    © Estate of F. Gordon Bradley
    Reproduced with the permission of Gordon Bradley

  • Battle song of Newfoundland

    The following article is from: The Confederate April 7, 1948, p. 1

    By Patriot

    Rise, Newfoundland, and break your chains,
    While yet the light of hope for you remains;
    Your fathers call from out their place of rest:
    "Unite--unite--Confederation is best".

    Must vested interests always keep you bound,
    Oh, men who toil upon the fishing ground;
    To keep you slaves, their dollars now outflow,
    For Pharoah-like, they will not let you go!

    You who have fought a North Atlantic Sea,
    Which calls for strength and utmost bravery;
    But now your fight is not with spume and spray -
    You fight for life on Referendum Day.

    The hour has come - the voice of Wisdom calls,
    To lead you on ere yet the darkness falls;
    Obey the voice and grasp her by the hand
    Then you shall know God guided Newfoundland!

    There is a tide that comes to those who toil,
    When taken at the flood brings Fortune's smile;
    Now is the time to take that flood - and, lo!
    Comfederation [sic] comes - and blessings flow.

    We hear the trumpet sounding from afar,
    While Freedom, smiling, swings her gates ajar;
    Enter now the portals, friends, I pray,
    And see the vision of a brighter day!

    For Newfoundland is like a vessel bold,
    Which carries human freight within her hold;
    Her course is set, the breeze is from the land,
    She points her bow toward a shining strand.

    But hidden in the joy lies "Local Rule",
    With false-light gleaming to mislead and fool;
    There lie the reefs of Hunger and Dole,
    To wreck our vessel on a Crosbie Shoal!

    Pile on all sail, leave Local Rule astern,
    And at the wheel let each man take his turn.
    We have the guide - Confederation's star,
    Oh, keep the course - we soon shall cross the bar.

    Then shall the bays and coves with cheers resound,
    With muskets blazing, firing round on round;
    And bon-fires gleaming on the distant hills,
    While every toiler's heart with freedom thrills!

    Source: "Battle song of Newfoundland," The Confederate, May 12, 1948, p. 3.
    © Public Domain

  • Voters of Newfoundland

    Source: "Voters of Newfoundland," The Independent, May 28, 1948, p. 1.
    © Public Domain

  • Too late!

    Source: "Too late!," The Independent, June 26, 1948, p. 3.
    © Public Domain

  • An Act to approve the Terms of Union of Newfoundland with Canada

    Source: "An Act to approve the Terms of Union of Newfoundland with Canada," Statutes of Canada 1949 (v. I), c. 1, p. 1-20.
    © Crown
    Reproduced with permission of the Department of Justice

  • An Act to confirm and give effect to Terms of Union of Newfoundland agreed between Canada and Newfoundland

    Source: "An Act to confirm and give effect to Terms of Union of Newfoundland agreed between Canada and Newfoundland," Statutes of Canada 1949, c. 22, Prefix, p. v-vi.
    © Crown
    Reproduced with permission of the Department of Justice

  • New province tomorrow: hope, sorrow blend on Confederation eve

    The following article is from: The Telegram (Toronto) March 31, 1949. p. 1 and 3

    By Dorothy Howarth

    Today a country dies. Not as they die in Europe by enemy fire and sword, or by aggressive annexation, but by its own hand, the democratic choice of its people. By a majority vote of only 6,401 of its citizens, Newfoundland today gives up its life as an individual nation in the British Commonwealth to become, instead, the 10th province of the largest Dominion in the Commonwealth, Canada.

    There is no celebrating in St. John's today. People move quietly about their everyday business, through the steep up-and-down roads. Two-wheeled carts, filled with coal and produce, clatter in the cobbled streets. Fur-hatted policemen patrol their beats and long-shoremen wait on Water Street, leaning idly over the railing, above the docks where the tall ships come in.

    "Ah, well, Miss, I think there are many of us feeling badly today, even though we be confederates," said the doorman at the British Commission office.

    "How would you feel in Canada if the United States were taking you over today? It's like a country dying," said the librarian. "It doesn't matter how you voted, confederate or responsible government, today still means that we are no longer a separate country. We're only part of a larger one now."

    Above the hall of an Irish Benevolent Association rises in defiance what claims to be Newfoundland's flag -- pink, green and white. But far out the narrows from the top of Cabot Tower, whipped out in fierce wind, flies its real flag -- the Union Jack. "That'll not change, thank God," said a policeman.

    In the hearts of many responsible government people there is real despair. "We hate Canada; we hate Canadians," said a well-known St. John's professional man. "Come in here with your baby bonus and take us over and you'll name us a premier and cabinet that are like leopards that can change their spots. Now Tory, now Liberal. Well, once I was a Liberal but not any more. I'll not be associated with that confederate outfit, I can tell you.

    "Look at my office -- it's the same at my house…" Every blind in the place was pulled down to the sill -- as if death lay inside.

    There is a rumour that before the day is out a number of anti-confederates will take a funeral cortege through the town to bury high on the hill above the city the body of what is supposed to be Newfoundland. But their procession, if it is carried out, will wind right by the same frame houses, lining the hill, from which nightoil is still collected and from which issue nine and 10 children.

    "Of course we're glad to join with Canada," said one woman, a baby in her arms. "Look what it will mean to us. I've five children and my husband's work is uncertain. Those Water St. millionaires have bled us long enough," she added, looking down into the town where the names of a number of merchants could mainly be read on the sides of their stores.

    Prices Tell Story

    Store windows are the only evidence that Confederation has really come. Price tags on goods, with black lines drawn through the old prices, show the cuts. Nylons from $2.25 to $1.98: Linoleum at $1 a yard down to 50 cents. Drugs and cosmetics in particular show a tremendous difference.

    "It'll take me from three to six months to recover from the change," said one druggist. "I'll lose 20 per cent on most of my stock."

    But his clerk, a girl, saw the other side of the story. "Now I'll only pay $1.25 for creams, I paid $2 for before -- and cologne is $1.98 now instead of $2.50.

    "I saw a cotton summer dress in a store window today for $8.95 -- last summer I paid $15 for the same dress. Confederation will certainly make things easier for me, but I am sorry to feel that I must sign my passport Canadian."

    There was an air of waiting over the whole city, waiting for what is going to happen, what Confederation is to bring in small things and in large.

    I was going to buy curtains for my living room, but I decided to wait and see," said a woman, window-shopping. Another window-shopper was interested in the drop of the price of linoleum. "I wanted new covering for my kitchen floor for Christmas, but we decided to wait. Now I see that I was wise to."

    Civil Service in Suspense

    Waiting in government offices, figuratively biting their nails, are civil servants who have not yet been notified if their department is even going to exist after today. Several slated to take trips to Canada on official business, find that financial provision has not been made for their journey.

    Up at Government House, where tomorrow the official naming and swearing in of the new premier is to take place, faces are a little red. It isn't too propitious that new government should be born on April Fools Day -- a day kept here in the rowdy English fashion. It is said that is the reason the ceremony will not take place until 1:15, the traditional minute for April Fool's Day to end.

    The whole ceremony is being carried out as swiftly, as simply as possible with all the hush-hush trimmings of a military secret. There will be no fanfare: It was not even announced where or at what time the ceremony was to take place.

    In schools there will be no special observance of the last day of Newfoundland's nationhood. One schoolmaster said he thought he would probably address morning assembly for a few moments on the significance of the day, but other schools were ignoring it.

    "We'll be singing our national anthem, Ode to Newfoundland, in the morning and God Save the King when we leave at night," another teacher said.

    Baked Seal a Delicacy

    Biggest event of the day will be when the first sealer come in, its decks slippery with blubber and blood from the raw seal skins piled on it. The Terra Nova, possession of the Eric Bowring stores, a Water St. merchant, was due today but because of high wind and its loaded decks, rolling in a heavy sea, it is still on its way.

    "Oh you don't have to worry about where it come in," said a clerk in the store. "Just tell the taxi driver; he knows where to take you. There'll be lots other people there."

    Baked seal flippers and seal flipper pie will be on all menus when the first ship finally does arrive. "Tastes just like beef, with a bit of a fishy tinge," said a longshoreman. "You'll like it. Real Newfoundland dish. Can't make it Canadian whatever you do."

    "I don't know if we'll have any here," said the waitress in the restaurant. "Sometimes we do," then giving out the change, she noticed the silver. "There -- there's our 20-cent piece for you, and our little bitty nickel. Suppose they'll go out of circulation. But I kind of like them. I'll miss them. It'll be all Canadian money instead of our own."

    She swabbed the table with her cloth for a moment. "I've a sister in Toronto. She makes more than I do at the same work. But I don't know, whatever happens, I still want to be a Newfoundlander."

    So it goes all through the city: Half sadness, some downright anger, some anxiety and some downright gladness. No one quite sure about the future. Almost everyone realizing they've reached the end of an era and everyone waiting -- waiting to see what Canada and Confederation will bring.

    Source: "New province tomorrow: hope, sorrow blend on Confederation eve," Toronto Telegram, March 31, 1949, p. 1 and 3.
    © Dorothy Howarth
    Reproduced with the permission of Dorothy Howarth

  • For some, the debate hasn't ended

    Source: "For some, the debate hasn't ended," St. John's Weekly Telegram, March 21, 1999, p. 5.
    © The Telegram
    Reproduced with the permission of The Telegram

Northwest Territories

Nova Scotia

  • The Chesapeake affair

    The following article is from: The British Colonist (Halifax) December 22, 1863

    The excitement in the city on Saturday last exceeded anything witnessed here for some time. It was only during the morning of that day that the fact became generally known that three men had been illegally seized by the officers of the Federal gunboats in port, and that they were to be publicly delivered up to the authorities here in compliance with a demand made by the Government. As the morning advanced, the whole circumstances connected with the outrage became more fully known, that one of the men had been taken forcibly from a British vessel at Sambro, -- that the other two were respectable young men belonging to the city, engineers, who had been engaged a day or two before to go on board the Chesapeake -- that an attempt had been made to carry them off to the States, -- and that after bringing them into this port all knowledge of the circumstances had been carefully concealed from the authorities until the friends of the two young men alluded to had brought the fact to their notice with a view to their release.

    We shall give a statement of the facts as they have been developed, in a shape not to be disputed. At the time the steamer was seized by the Federals, she was taking in coal from a schooner alongside, in Sambro harbour. Her recent captors, with the exception of Braine, who was not present, were sitting down to breakfast when the Federal gunboat Ella and Anna hove in sight and at once bore down upon them. The crew waited until she came pretty near and then sought safety on shore, leaving on board the two young men from Halifax and the two engineers who were on board the steamer at the time of her capture by the Confederates. These latter, immediately the other left, hoisted the flag of distress, but not before the gunboat was within one hundred yards of the Chesapeake. The latter was instantly boarded by the Federals, when the two young men from Halifax were seized and put in irons. The coal schooner alongside was next boarded and searched, where they found Wade, one of Braine's men, who was ill. Having seized this man also, they carried him off, with several trunks found on board the schooner, and then taking possession of the Chesapeake the two steamers proceeded out until they were met by the Federal steamer Dacotah, the captain of which is senior in command to the captain of the other gunboat. The three entered Halifax harbour together on the afternoon of the same day (Thursday last).

    No steps were taken by the Federal officers to report the matter to the authorities here, until at length, a demand was forwarded to the officer in command, to state the names of the ships under his command -- the object of their visit, and the circumstances under which the steamer Chesapeake had been taken out of the harbour of Sambro and brought here by men-of-war belonging to the United States navy. We have already given the substance of the official report from the Captain of the Dacotah; that the gunboat had been attracted to the Chesapeake by a flag of distress, (a statement which was not in accordance with the facts, as the flag was not raised until the gunboat was within a musket shot of the latter,) -- and that they had found on board five of her old crew -- studiously concealing the fact, both in this written communication and also during a personal interview with the authorities, that three of these men, who were reported as a portion of her old crew before she was captured by the Confederates, were at that moment confined in irons on board one of the gunboats. It was only in the course of the next day that the fact was brought to the notice of the authorities that a man had been forcibly taken from a British schooner in a British port, and was illegally held a prisoner on board one of these vessels, together with two other men; whereupon, Comr. Cleary, of the Dacotah, was promptly notified, that no U.S. man-of-war could be permitted to leave the port until the matter was investigated; and in a short time his answer was received that he would hand over the prisoners to the authorities.

    He was then informed that the High Sheriff of Halifax, J.J. Sawyer, Esq, would be in attendance on the Queen's wharf at one o'clock the next day (Saturday) to receive the men; and was also notified that at two o'clock of the same day, Capt. O'Brien, of the Revenue schr. Daring, would take formal charge of the steamer Chesapeake, on behalf of the Queen's Representative.

    On Saturday forenoon a letter was sent to the Government by Commander Cleary, transmitting the correspondence between Lord Lyons and the Hon. Mr. Steward, and inquiring if any change would take place in the determination of the Government here. It was replied that his Honour the Administrator saw no ground on which to change his decision previously communicated.

    Accordingly, the Chesapeake was delivered over to Captain O'Brien at two o'clock; and at about half-past one a boat arrived from the Ella and Anna with the three men. They were marched up the slip closely guarded and handcuffed, in which condition the High Sheriff refused to receive them, when the irons were removed by the officer in charge, and the Sheriff, after reading the necessary documents pronounced the men free.

    Immediately following this proceeding a scene occurred, which, as it is the subject of a good deal of comment, and caused a great deal of excitement, we shall describe particularly.

    During the preceedings, no one gave any attention to a boat which tossed about in the chop at the slip, in which sat two men who might have been attracted to the spot from the fish-market slip just opposite. The moment the Sheriff pronounced the men free, a gentleman who had placed himself during the reading of the documents, close beside Wade, told the latter to jump into the boat, and before anybody could realize what was going on the boat was two or three lengths of herself from the wharf. At this instant a policeman dashed through the crowd and shouted to the men in the boat to stop or he would shoot them dead, at the same time drawing a pistol from his pocket. Two or three gentlemen interfered and obstructed the policeman, and the boat, with Wade in it, escaped.

    The U.S. Vice-Consul had, it appears, applied for and received from the Government a Preliminary Warrant in the course of the morning, under the extradition treaty, and the Chief Justice, who had issued the previous warrant against Brafoe, having withdrawn the warrant upon the ground that the Imperial act required a Justice of the Peace to act in such cases and not a Judge of the Supreme Court, the Mayor was applied to and, upon the proper depositions being made by some of the original crew of the Chesapeake, granted a warrant against Wade, which had been placed in the hands of the City Marshal to serve. The officer entrusted with that duty had, we are informed, been instructed by the Vice-Consul to allow Wade to walk about to show that he was free, after his liberation by the Government command, previous to making the arrest. Having no idea of any attempt to escape by water, the attention of the officer was not directed to that point until Wade was beyond his reach.

    Source: "The Chesapeake affair," The British Colonist (Halifax), December 22, 1863.
    © Public Domain

  • The Canadian visit

    The following article is from: Halifax Citizen August 13, 1864, p. 2

    The programme for the entertainment of our distinguished Canadian and New Brunswick visitors, has so far proceeded satisfactorily. Yesterday the principal arrangements were under the auspices of the Royal Halifax Yacht Club which held its annual "Hodge Podge" dinner up the Basin. About eleven o'clock, A.M., the trim and dashing yachts gaily dressed with bunting assembled off the Queen's wharf together with the Revenue Cutter Daring, and the commodious steamer Mic Mac which had been obligingly placed at the disposal of the Committee for the accommodation of the public guests. As it was evident that the fleet of yachts and the Cutter would require some time to beat up the harbor against the fresh and bracing breeze, the steamer instead of proceeding at once to the general rendezvous at "Prince's Lodge," turned down the harbor for a trip up the Northwest Arm. The crowd of strangers on the deck had then a splendid opportunity of seeing Halifax harbor to the best advantage. The run up the Arm was delightful -- the views of handsome new villas, lawns, and groves on its romantic banks affording much gratification to the spectators, who were also supplied with more substantial entertainment by several attentive Aldermen and members of committee. The Fine Band of the 16th regiment was on board -- and it is not too much to say that the bandmen during the day entered fully into the spirit of the occasion, and showed the most polite readiness in answering all the musical requirements of the fete. Several of the French gentlemen also chanted some of the gay choruses with which the voyageurs keep time to flashing oars on the rivers and Lakes of Canada, and the ringing echo's of which are as familiar to the rocky banks of the St. Lawrence as the murmur of ripples at their feet. Some of these French refrains had a most inspiring effect on the singers, they swung imaginary paddles from side to side of invisible canoes, gesticulated, clapped their hands on the breasts and shoulders of their neighbours -- and during the performance of a piquant little melody all about one " Mademoiselle Marianne," they hugged each other so affectionately and laughed over so many bars in succession that the admiring audience caught their enthusiasm and at the end thanked them with a tumult of applause hand-clapped, back-slapping, and cries in very indifferent French of "Merci, Merci, Messieur." 'Nous thankez' -- vous tres much indeed !" "Jolly Good Fellow, Johnny Kanuck" -- and several similar etceras.

    Returning from the downward trip the steamer made a short stay at the Queen's wharf and again proceeded with her holiday freight to "Prince's Lodge." As the boat passed the noble flagship Duncan, hearty cheers were given for his Excellency the Vice Admiral who had given so warm a welcome and such magnificent entertainment to our visitors. Three cheers were also given to Capt. Gibson -- and the band played "Rule Britannia" and the "National Anthem." Meantime the yacht fleet had beat up to the common destination, making a most charming appearance as they raced with snowy sails across the sparkling blue waves, over which the wind was tossing crests of white foam. On tack after tack they stretched, sweeping gracefully under the breeze like a flock of swans seeking their island nests. The adverse breeze was positively an advantage, for it showed the strangers that in running up the harbour the fleet was not confined to the narrow fortuous limits of a mere channel but could run with confidence across the watery field from shore to shore. The yachts were all at their moorings when the steamer reached, and the party on board the latter immediately disembarked, and in long procession, headed by the band, marched to the scene of festivities. This as our readers are aware was the attractive demesne formerly owned by, H. R. H. the late Duke of Kent, father of the well beloved Queen, and owned in later years by Mrs. Gore, the novelist. Here long tables covered with the sumptuous preparations for the feast were arranged in the open green; and on the long grassy terrace in the rear, manly and exhilarating games were vigorously carried on. Leap Frog was a special favorite, and we trust that our warm-hearted, gentlemanly French friends heard with good humour the jesting compliment to Monsieur Crapeau every time, that they took back with such admirable agility […] the Bluenoses to their mettle to follow the active Frenchmen's lead. By the way, one little frog did appear on the ground looking very much astounded at the sight of so many human fellows having nothing better to do than imitate him and his kindred, in what Froggy must have thought an absurdly awkward fashion, especially when some special correspondent went sprawling to grass alarmingly near him. He was saved from being crushed however, by a thrifty gentleman, who "spotted" him in a way different from that pursued by nature, and put him tenderly in his coat pocket, in order, if he escaped suffocation, to carry him home and set him down among slugs and caterpillars in the garden. Among the quoit pitchers was a clergyman who surpassed all his competitors, but whom we will not name for the same reason as that given by Mr. McGee in alluding to this clerical player's success, "because the report of his quoit pitching abilities might interfere with his perferment, and knock his hope of a mitre into a cocked hat".

    Soon the summons to dinner brought in happy party round the simply turn sled tables, where social enjoyment and good fellowship was more substantially promoted. After the repast was finished Commodore Wallace gave the usual loyal toast, "the Queen," which was received with enthusiastic cheers, and the singing and playing of the National Anthem. Another bumper followed amidst undiminished enthusiasm, is to our Canadian and New Brunswick Guests." for which Hon D'Arcy McGee briefly returned thanks. Just as he concluded his acknowledgements, the arrival of His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor and lady McDonnell was […]. The whole party gave them a hearty and yet respectful greeting, which her Ladyship received with graceful affability that charmed all hearts. His Excellency intimated that he was there as the patron of the Yacht Club to present the Prince of Wales Prize Challenge Cup to the last winner of it Capt. N.G. Smith, H.M. 17th Regt. His Excellency's speech in making the presentation was most felicitous in tone. He spoke of the maritime aspects and advantages of Nova Scotia, as he had seen them during his recent coasting trip -- the national value of aquatic sports as a maritime power, -- the appropriateness of the princely gift to the Yacht Club from the heir to an ocean empire--and the pleasure he felt in handing over the prize to the winner, Capt. Smith, who represented the owners of the successful yacht "Thought," received the Cup with a neat speech in reply to his Excellency -- making generous mention of H.W. Alhro, Esq, Secretary of the club, who, by his skillful steering contributed so much to the yacht's success. After the presentation Sir Richard and Lady McDonnell withdrew, accompanied from the grounds by the officers of the Club, and His Worship the Mayor.

    Some more songs from the French gentlemen drew a good speech from Dr. Tupper, which again drew on a magnificent address from Mr. McGee, and that drew in its turn a third speech equally eloquent from Mr. Howe. Their audience listened to these gentlemen with the most positive gratification. Piper Paterson with his winsome pibroch music next took the ground and several clever Scotsmen danced the Highland Fling. The mayor of Fredericton entered the ring and danced down the friskiest carle of them all, and followed his first rate reel by a first rate speech. Mayor of Fredericton, you are a regular brick, as clever, as humorous, as nimble and honest an old gentleman we know. May the people of Fredericton be always sufficiently alive to the estimable qualities of their worthy magistrate, and the Mayor's truly final him doing as much credit to their admitted management, as he did yesterday. There and in the evening was marked by the same humorous and agreeable proceedings that took place in the outset -- and with songs, music, and harrah, the party got home in the pleasantest style imaginable, no accident, no instance of excess, no bitch in the arrangements having occurred Commodore Wallace and the Yacht Club, as well as their distinguished guests, may really enjoy the remembrance of the happiest excursion we have had for years.

    To-day's Trip to Waverley.

    Owing to the circumstances connected with the late accident to the Vesuvius, the Vic. Admiral was unable to place the Buzzard at the disposal of the Reception Committee, until Monday, and accordingly the Committee arranged for a special train to carry the guests to Waverley diggings. The party started at 11 a.m., to-day, and had an interesting time inspecting the Gold mines and other works at Waverley. The crusher at the Germantown diggings was in operation, giving them an opportunity of witnessing the process of extracting the gold from the rock. The works at Waverley and Germantown were inspected, and almost every one obtained a "specimen" of more or less value. About half past two the party, numbering over fifty gentlemen, returned by railway to Richmond, where they found no carriages to receive them, and consequently had to walk into town.

    At four, there was a fine turnout of the Fire Department, and the several engines, handled by the fire brigade, proved at once the remarkable efficiency of that body and the Waterspouts which shot hissing from the hose high over the housetops.

    To-day's programme will end with a superb Banquet this evening in the drill-room.

    Source: "The Canadian visit," Halifax Citizen, August 13, 1864, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • The Colonial Convention

    The following article is from: Morning Chronicle (Halifax) September 10, 1864, p. 2

    Sir, -- In a previous letter I gave you a brief history of the Conference now holding its sittings here, and of the proceedings so far as I was enabled to collect them, having first separated, as my judgment best dictated, what I apprehend was the chaff, and mere chaff, from the wheat -- gossip from reality.

    The Conference sits daily now, from ten to three, without interruption or adjournment. Yesterday morning, before the hour of business, they all repaired to the lawn in front of Government House, and were photographed in a group, by an artist named Roberts, from St. John. Some wag remarked that he thought they would discover that "the Conference was sold."

    But to resume. It is difficult, as previously intimated, to furnish the public with any entirely reliable information, and the reader must remember that what I am about to narrate is probably rather an approximation to facts, than themselves. Perhaps I could not do better by way of further introduction, than give you a few extracts from the Examiner, an Island paper, published by Edward Whelan, Esq., a member of the Opposition in the Island Legislature. In his last number, speaking editorially, he says:

    "We are quite certain that Charlottetown was never honored, on any occasion, by the presence of so many distinguished visitors as at present reside within and in the vicinity of its quiet borders. The delegates from Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia comprise the ablest men of those Provinces, several of who have earned for themselves a North American reputation, as wide and as envious as that which falls to the lot of many European statesmen. While we are meeting them all, face to face, every day, it would be most invidious to single out for complimentary notice any particular member of the conference. We will only say, take them all in all, they are a class of men of whom British America has no reason to be ashamed. They are earnestly anxious to make themselves acquainted with the public men of this Island -- to witness for themselves the attractions which nature has lavished upon it everywhere -- to see our people in all moods and phases of life, and to fraternise with them right heartily. We have everything to gain and nothing to lose by cultivating the kindly feelings with which our Province visitors have come among us. That the sisterhood of the Provinces will form themselves into a great nation, is merely a question of time -- that they have all the elements of making a great nation, admits of no question at all. The statement and public writers of Great Britain are constantly urging upon us the necessity of a Union of some kind, which would greatly lessen the charges upon the Imperial treasury, as every part of their civil list would then have to be paid by the Colonists themselves, and as they would have to provide for the maintenance of their own military and naval forces. England, evidently, is not willing that we should remain much longer as we are. We, ourselves, begin to see that we must change our condition. We discern the necessity for Union in a thousand forms; we see it in the want of uniformity in our tariffs; in our customs regulations; in our currency. The want of Union stares us broadly in the face when we feel ourselves tossed and tumbled about on the billows of local sectional strife, at the mercy of unprincipled political wreckers, eager to plunder the little bark of state for their own personal aggrandizement, and the fiercest and foremost of whom are, we are ashamed to say, those who wear the parson's gown. We see the want of a Union that that will elevate us to a higher standard in political life -- that will stretch our mental vision beyond the narrow bounds by which we are circumscribed, and save our public men from the low intrigues and paltry cunning by which they scramble their way into the little offices which merely afford them common laborer's wages, dignified by the name of salaries."

    Mr. Whelan, who it is here supposed is largely inspired by Mr. Coles, the leader of the Opposition in the Lower House, and who is a member of the Conference, then proceeds as follows:

    "The views of the gentlemen now in Conference, representing all the Provinces -- or the views, at least, of a majority of them – assume this shape: Each province to retain its own Government, nearly as now constituted; the numbers of members in the several Legislatures may, without detriment to the local interests, be reduced; the Governor would cease to be a servant of the Crown, doing the bidding of the Crown -- he would be elected by the people, paid by them, and accountable to them for his conduct; the expenses of the Civil Lists, and those entailed by a Provincial Army and Navy, would devolve upon the Provinces, which should pay according to their means and population. Each Province should provide for the payment of its own debt, and one Province not be taxed for the payment of another's debt. Each should contribute its proportion towards the expense of a Central Government and Central Parliament, in which all the Provinces would be represented. Whether this representation would be regulated by area and population, or whether each Province, the small as well as the large, would be entitled to send the same number of representatives, is a matter of detail which can only be settled by the separate Provincial Legislatures, or by future Conventions, such as that now sitting here. England's connection with the Colonies would be represented merely by having a Viceroy to preside over the deliberations of the United Government. He would have no power to check local legislation in any way; he could not suppress the action of the Federal Legislature unless it interfered with imperial interests -- all matters relating to intercolonial trade, commerce and military defences -- railways and maritime steam communication -- light houses, currency, and postal relations -- emigration -- settlement of wild lands -- land tenures, when they possess a provincial character as they do here -- uniformity in the system of education -- all these things would come under the supervision of the Confederate Legislature, and the then so-called Colonial Minister in Downing Street would have no more right to interfere with our mode of managing them than the man in the moon."

    From what I can gather, I am apt to think that some portion of this extract is wide of the mark. If the Maritime Provinces, instead of uniting legislatively, adopt the Canadian project of a confederation, either as one legislative body or as at present, three - and it is said the Canadians are agreed as to either mode, -- but allowing the whole three the status and representation of one, -- in either case the public debts, I apprehend, are to be shouldered by the federal government, and consolidated, and the several governments to give up that portion of their respective revenues derivable from customs and excise, reserving, however, their crown lands, mines and minerals -- in other words, the casual and territorial revenues -- for local purposes.

    As regards representation, it is the better opinion that in the Lower House it will be by population; in the Upper House, as in the American Senate, by an equality of voices from Upper and Lower Canada, and the Maritime Provinces as a whole; that is to say, suppose the Upper House should be composed of sixty members, then Upper Canada would have twenty, Lower Canada twenty, and the three Maritime Provinces twenty among them -- the scheme to embrace Newfoundland also, at a ratio approximate to this.

    Up to this morning, since the first day of meeting, the Canadians have met with the delegates. To-day, however, I notice that the Conference is proceeding in their absence. The prevailing opinion is, that the representatives of the Maritime Provinces are discussing the subject of union among themselves, either in the abstract of in relation to the confederation. If they can see their way clear to enter the confederation without hazarding their separate interests and being overborne by the upper provinces, I am apt to think, after all, that the idea of a legislative union of the three will be suspended, at all events for the present. The effort of accomplishing the double organization -- both a legislative union of the three and a confederation of the whole at once -- would probably tax the powers of human effort too heavily. Either operation involves a shock that must necessarily unsettle existing organization to a large extent. But I cannot as yet sufficiently well inform myself t speak with any degree of certainty as to what is even probably on this point. The Examiner, you will perceive, gives a classification of the subjects which would come under the supervision of the Confederate Legislature. I am apt to think that this is rather an imperfect list. I have what I conceive pretty good authority for supposing that the list is larger, and that it would embrace currency, trade, banking, usury laws, bankruptcy, insolvency, sea fisheries, light houses, navigation, coinage, weights and measures, interest, marriage and divorce, naturalization, telegraphs, patents and copyrights, census, immigration, postal service, Intercolonial works of all kinds, railways, canals, harbors, militia and defence, criminal law, and like subjects; leaving to the local Legislatures such subjects as roads and bridges, agriculture, hospitals and charitable institutions, prisons, mines, minerals, timber and public lands, education, inland fisheries, police and summary punishment of crimes, and such like.

    Whether the Constitution of the Upper House is to be elective or appointed by the Crown, I have not learned; but the better opinion seems to be that is not to be elective. The duration of the Federal Assembly, it is said, will not be less than four years -- at least that the opinion of the majority is to that effect.

    There is much also said to have been discussed, the Judiciary and the existence of a Federal Court of Apellate [sic] Jurisdiction, which is likely to be located. The Superior Court Judges for all, it is said, would probably be appointed by the Federal Executive, but from the Bars of the respective Provinces; but, I apprehend, beyond loose discussion, nothing certain or conclusive or binding, has been arrived at. In fact no power to do so exists, and it is rather with a view of interchanging ideas in relation to future action that the discussion proceeds, than the transaction of any business at present, that the Canadian delegates present their scheme.

    The Halifax delegates having invited the entire delegation to visit Halifax, the Canadian steamer is to embark them on Thursday evening, at the conclusion of a public ball, to be given in honor by the Island Government, and they are all expected to reach Halifax by Friday evening, I hear, going over in the Victoria, and taking the Albion Mines and New Glasgow in their way, unless some of them prefer to go around by steamer.


    P.S. -- Wednesday being spent in discussion, the conference adjourned till Saturday, 10th, at Halifax, at 12 o'clock. To-morrow will be devoted to pleasure and a visit to the North side of the Island.

    Source: "The Colonial convention," Halifax Morning Chronicle, September 10, 1864, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Late American telegrams

    The following article is from: The Colonial Standard (Pictou, N.S.), October 25, 1864

    New York, October 20

    Yesterday p.m. twenty-five armed desperadoes supposed to be rebels from Canada, entered St. Albans, eight miles from the line, robbed the bank of $150,000, plundered stores and stole 20 horses; they also deliberately shot several citizens who resisted, killing one; the scoundrels then fled across the border. -- The stables at the race-course, Brighton, Mass., were destroyed by fire last night, and 23 horses, embracing some of the best trotting stock in the country, were burnt to death. -- Edward Everett made a great Union Speech in Faneuil Hall last night. -- Gold 211 ½.

    [Evening] -- The Secretary of War sends the following official Bulletin dated at Washington today, noon: --

    "A great battle was fought and a splendid victory won by Sheridan over Longstreet yesterday at Cedar Creek. 43 pieces of artillery were captured and many prisoners, among whom was the rebel General Ramseur. On our side Generals Wright and Ricketts were wounded, and Gen. Bidwell was killed. Further official advices state the number of rebel prisoners captured at two thousand. Longstreet, who had been heavily reinforced, made the attack at daylight with great impetuosity, breaking the Federal lines, and for a time gaining apparent success. Sheridan was on his return from Washington, and did not reach the field of battle till nearly noon, when he took command in person and achieved a great victory."

    Seven of the rebel freebooters who invaded St. Albans have been caught, and fifty thousand dollars of the stolen money recovered. -- Gold 206.

    New York, October 21

    By the prompt and energetic action of the Canadian Authorities, in connection with the Government of Vermont, eight of the miscreants who plundered St. Albans are now in jail, and will be delivered up to the Federal Authorities. -- Most of the stolen money has also been recovered. -- One Canadian officer was mortally wounded in making the arrest.

    [Evening.] -- The trial of the parties recently arrested in Baltimore and Washington for selling goods to the Confederates, is now proceeding before a Military Commission. -- Advices from Sherman continue favourable. Hood's attempt to cut his communication had utterly failed, and his retreat southwest was becoming a rout. -- Official advices from Sheridan state that his cavalry had driven Longstreet from Fisher's Hill, when the latter attempted to make a stand and were continuing pursuit. -- Fifty guns and 1,600 Confederate prisoners had been brought in. -- Gen. Grant had ordered a salute of 100 guns from each of his armies before Richmond, in honor of Sheridan's victory. -- Conference at Quebec still in session. -- Gold, 203.

    Source: "Late American telegrams," The Colonial Standard (Pictou, N.S.), October 25, 1864.
    © Public Domain

  • The botheration scheme

    The following article is from: Morning Chronicle (Halifax) January 11, 1865

    Before deciding to hand over to the Canadians the patronage and revenues of Nova Scotia, let us enquire whether there is anything in our present condition to compel us to make this transfer.

    Prior to the introduction of Responsible Government into this Province, Downing Street claimed the authority which it is now proposed to erect at Ottawa. How did we like that? Why, so little that our best men gave the flower of their lives to the struggle by which the system was changed. Huntington and Howe, Young and Uniacke, Doyle and DesBarres, and all their sturdy compatriots, in two or three Parliaments, fought out the great battle by which the appointment of our own officers -- the control of our own revenues -- the management of our own affairs -- was secured to Novascotians. We possess and exercise these high powers now, in as full and ample a measure as the freest people on the face of the earth. And shall it be said that the labors of these men were in vain -- that their policy was unsound, and that their lives have been wasted?

    At this hour our Legislative Councillors, our Judges, and all our public officers, are appointed by our own Government, resting upon the confidence of a clear majority of our own Parliament freely chosen by our own people. If this power were hereafter to be exercised by the nineteen members that we are asked to send to Ottawa, they would be but a minority of the fifty-five who now possess it. Is this Responsible Government? We think not.

    But will the nineteen be entrusted with these powers? No. When they go to Ottawa they will be merged into the General Legislature. If they all hang together and always support the Government of the day, they may be largely consulted and very influential in the management of their own Province; but should they ever act together and go into opposition, who then will manage Nova Scotia? Some wily Canadian, who will have his own correspondents and servile creatures here, and who will so make his appointments as to mortify and weaken the influence of the Novascotian delegation. Men that no Novascotian likes -- that no man trusts -- that all our members disapprove -- may and will be appointed in spite of their unanimity, so sure as they dare oppose the Government.

    But will they be unanimous? Who believes it? Dr. Tupper and Mr. McCully may be friends from the teeth outwards, just so long as it necessary to carry this scheme, but when once it is carried and they meet on the floor of the Parliament House at Ottawa, they will be rivals, perhaps enemies again. Our members will be no longer unanimous, but split into two factions each following the fortunes of its leader, and each trying to bargain with the minister for the patronage and control of Nova Scotia. No matter which succeeds, the Province will be at the mercy of either, with a following of three, five or ten members, as the case may be. Is this what Novascotians desire to see? Is this the kind of Responsible Government which any sane man would desire to substitute for the wholesome control which the two Branches now exercise over nine gentlemen, discharging Executive functions in presence of the people, and day by day liable to be questioned or displaced by a Parliamentary majority? We think not.

    If we were to choose between the two systems, we would say at once, give us back the old Council of Twelve, with Downing Street behind it, rather than the exercise by a little knot of politicians 800 miles away of powers which could not fail to be grossly abused, and for the abuse of which it would be impossible to obtain redress.

    But it is said "Something must be done." A wise statesman once remarked that he always apprehended danger when certain people declared that "something must be done." We are reminded of the droll story told of two boys who were upset in a boat and who got on her bottom in the middle of a rapid river not far above a waterfall. "Ned," said the eldest to his companion, "Can you pray?" "No," was the candid reply of the terrified lad. "Neither can I," said the other, "But something must be done, and that d---- soon."

    Now here we have our two lawyers and the doctor embarked in the same boat. The waves are beginning to rise and the fall is not far off, and we are certainly very much amused with their vehement outcry that something must be done.

    Why should anything be done? Nova Scotia, secure of self-government, can even bear with serenity an Administration that certainly tries her patience at times, for a year or two longer. She has been blessed with a good crop, an abundant fishery, a healthy season; her mining interests are extending; her shipyards have been busy all the year; her railroads are beginning to pay, and her treasury is overflowing, affording ample means to push forward public improvements just as fast as it is wise to push them, with the little surplus labour we have.

    We have not a question to create angry discussion with the mother country, with our neighbours in the United States, or with the Governments of the surrounding colonies. We have entirely reorganized our militia, and drilled every man liable to be called out under the law, within the year.

    Who says, then, that something should be done? Those who desire to daub this peaceful picture, with the hues of their distempered imaginations. There is one thing certainly that ought to be done. We ought all to go down on our knees and thank the Almighty for the abundant blessings he has showered upon us. There was a certain person once who could not let people alone when they were well off. "Don't you see how naked and ignorant you are -- come eat of this fruit and you will know things good and evil, and live forever," and they were tempted, and ate, and we all know what came of it. Now we do not blush for being happy, nor are we ashamed to admit that we are content. The Delegates may be as wise as serpents; let us, thanking God for his mercies, not be ashamed to be as harmless as doves.

    But it is said that the Canadians have outgrown their Constitution. Well, if they have what of that? If they are in trouble let them get out of it; but don't let them involve us in distractions with which we have nothing to do. Are not the Canadians always in trouble? Did not Papineau keep Lower Canada in trouble for twenty years, and McKenzie disturb the Upper Province for about the same period? Then did not both Provinces break out into open rebellion, which it cost the British Government three or four millions sterling to suppress? What would have been the situation of the Maritime Provinces then, had they been controlled by the Canadians? Would they not have been compromised by these outbreaks, and might they not all have been made the theatres of civil war? But they were not under Canadian influence. They maintained their loyalty unsullied. The conflagration was confined to narrow limits, and was soon suppressed.

    Again, in 1849, the Canadians tried their hands at another insurrection. They burnt down their Parliament House; pelted Lord Elgin and his Lady through the streets; hung American flags out of the windows, and published a manifesto, to which the principal citizens of Montreal signed their names, demanding annexation to the United States. Novascotians must have short memories if these things are forgotten.

    Then, are not the Canadas always disturbed by religious feuds and secret societies? -- Was not the Prince of Wales kept two days off the port of Kingston by a community who would not permit him to land unless he would give the Orangemen a party triumph? And when he got to Toronto, was not his whole visit disturbed by the display of party emblems and by the violence of local factions that met his Royal Highness at every turn?

    But a few short months have elapsed since there was a bloody fight, all round a church and grave-yard, between the Protestants and Catholics of Toronto, in which deadly weapons were used, and what do we see now -- Every mail brings us tidings of the organization and arming of Fenians and Orangemen in all the chief cities of Upper Canada. People are drilling in the churches. Arms are coming in from the States in coffins, and in other disguised packages, and we are told that 50,000 Fenians stand ready, armed and disciplined, in New York alone, and prepared to cross the border.

    Now, is this the country for Novascotians to unite with, and to whose entire control we should hand over the management of our affairs? Here we have peace and order, everybody worships God as he pleases, and everybody obeys the law. there are no armed midnight processions -- no villains chalking our doors at night -- no arms secreted -- no Fenians drilling -- and everybody sleeps in his bed securely, with no man to make him afraid. In the name of common sense then, are we to peril all these blessings and mix ourselves up with distractions, the end of which no living man can foresee?

    If civil war breaks out in Canada, from the apparently irrepressible conflicts of her secret societies, let the Canadians settle it among themselves. If border wars breakout, arising out of raids upon a people with whom we ought to be at peace, or the stupidity or ignorance of magistrates, let those who provoke these controversies fight them out. We have no secret societies to disturb us -- no frontier to tempt raiders to commit outrages on our neighbours. We are surrounded by the sea, and can only be involved in a national war when proclaimed by our sovereign, and then we are within ten days' sail of the fleets and armies of England, which, aided by our own volunteers and militia, would soon give a good account of any expedition sent by sea to disturb us. We do not go into financial calculations just now, though we may touch these before we are done.

    Admitting all Mr. Archibald's calculations to be accurate (which we are far from doing) we place this argument on much higher grounds than that of mere figures and finance; and we say that even if the bargain was financially a good one, we would not accept it at the cost of internal and external peace--of institutions hallowed by a possession of a hundred years, improved and consolidated by twenty years' labor of our ablest statesmen. Of all the characters of ancient story, the poorest spirited creature that we know is Esau; but if Novascotians surrendered their powers of self-government and provincial independence for the precious mess of pottage brought hither from Quebec, we would forever after be held in deserved contempt even by those by whom our birthright was enjoyed.

    Source: "The botheration scheme", Halifax Morning Chronicle, January 11, 1865.
    © Public Domain

  • The 1st of July

    The following article is from: Pictou Colonial Standard (Nova Scotia) July 2, 1867, p. 2

    Does any one suppose that then, the fact will be remembered that there were those who did their utmost to rob this Province of this great heritage, who inveighed against Union with its neighbors, as an evil to be resisted to the last? Will the names or memory of those who took part in this reason and folly be remembered? No; we believe, that oblivion will kindly bury them forever and people will cease to think it possible that so great a boon, should have been ushered in, amidst the scowling looks of the worst enemies of their country.

    Should some old pamphlet or bundle of newspapers of the present day find its way into some old chest, packed away and forgotten in some cellar or attic, should its resurrection two or three hundred years hence disclose the truth that there were actually people, in 1867, who poured out their wretched tirades against this Union; and talked of it as selling the rights and liberties of Nova Scotia, they could scarcely believe their eyes. It is difficult to realize it even now. Why do we seek Confederation? What has induced the ablest statesman in England and these Provinces to speak of it as a thing to be desired above all others? -- Ask a true man, who loves his country for itself why he is in favor of Union, and he will tell you: -- I am in favor of Union, because I wish to remain a loyal subject of Queen Victoria; because it will cement more closely these Colonies and the Mother Country; because England desired it in order to consolidate our strength; because it will ensure us against aggression, or if we should be attacked, it will enable us to show a stronger front to the enemy; because it will promote the construction of our great public works, and in the end bring the commerce of the East across this American Continent; because it will give increased prosperity to every trade and occupation, and secure for our children and their children a home worth living in, and one to be proud of. -

    These are some of the reasons why I support Confederation. I believe in it, I see in it a present full of promise, a future abundant in performance. When I look round me for objections I find only falsehood and abuse; when I look at the objectors; I see only opponents of all that is selfish, unprincipled, vindictive, and disloyal. If I look abroad I find every enemy of British institutions, every public knave and reputed scoundrel on either continent, a fool-mouthed opponent of this scheme of Union. If I look at home, I see the vilest means used by unscrupulous people to inflame the passions and prejudices of the ignorant. I find every mean device had resource to, to asp the loyalty of a virtuous people. I hear people speaking treason, and capping the climax of their unmanly wickedness by shouting out for cheers for the Queen, whose feeling, wishes, and honor they are doing their best to trample under foot.

    With these prospects before us, -- with the congratulations of a sovereign we love, and who is revered all the world over, warming our loyalty we are about to enter on a new phase of political existence. Full of hope in the future; of confidence in the truth and purity of our principles, we are about to bail the Natal day of the Union of these provinces. We trust that every true man and woman will prepare to celebrate it with a spirit and in a manner becoming the occasion. Let us show that the citizens of Halifax, at least are sensible of the benefits it will bring them -- of the great future it destines for this noble seaport. There will be covert traitors enough, spitting out their venom, and discharging their foul sluices of accumulated malignity and disappointment.

    They are nothing to us; we have nothing in common with them. As loyal subjects as lovers of our country, we will celebrate that day with feeling of fervent gratitude and joy, as the birth-day of what destined to become one of the great nations of the earth, taking a high and worthy part to itscommon [sic] progress and civilization. The Dominion of Canada becomes one of the great facts of the world on the first of July next -- a day and a date to be held in joyful remembrance by this and coming generations.

    Source: "The 1st of July," Pictou Colonial Standard (Nova Scotia), July 2, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • A fizzle

    The following article is from: Morning Chronicle (Halifax) July 2, 1867, p. 2

    The Confederates are, doubtless, well satisfied with the celebration of yesterday, and the Anti-Confederates have no reason to be displeased. The whole strength of the former was put forth to make a great demonstration, and we do not exaggerate when we say that they failed lamentably. For weeks they had been drumming up support around the city: they had buttonholed and bored citizens, and even conjured them if they set no value on the Union, to oblige their personal friends by taking part in the festivities of the day. All sorts of influence had been brought to bear upon various societies to induce them to march in a grand procession. They had been called upon in the holy name of religion; they had been urged by ledger arguments, yet these powerful appeals failed to produce any marked effect. The procession, which we may safely call the principal feature of the day's rejoicing, was a good one, that is about six hundred people, including a large number of boys and girls, took part in it, and flags were borne, and bands played, and hats of decided rustiness were waved in the air by those who thus chose to exhibit themselves gratis to the public. About six hundred people -- as many as have occasionally attended a decent funeral in the city -- were all that could be scraped up to join in this great display. Six hundred out of a population of more than thirty thousand in the city alone, all of whom, together with the men of Dartmouth, had been invited to attend. And who were the six hundred? Were they in general composed of the thinking portion of this community? Were they the voters upon whom depend the decision to be made here at the elections? They were not.

    We have no wish to detract from the standing of many of the men in that procession or speak unkindly of them, for among them were reputable men, industrious and sober workers, whom we felt sorry to see engaged in rejoicing over the accomplishment of a disastrous measure forced upon their fellow-countrymen, and equally upon themselves. We had imagined that to deny the people's right to govern their own country, and dispose of their own revenues as they pleased, was an insult to the people: we find that there are a few who think differently; we find that there are a few content to pocket a gross affront, and thank those who offered it. But we are pleased to discover, from this procession, that if such exists in our midst, they are few. Of the valiant six hundred, fifty or sixty were children, who, as matter of course, knew nothing but that their holiday had been made a day of torture to them by being dragged through the dusty streets under a broiling sun. Women, too, there were among the trades, who, it is no libel to say, were not well posted in the details of the Union scheme, and who were far better fitted to judge the beauties of a gaudy print than those of the action of out legislators. Voteless persons too, were decidedly in the ascendant. Of the six hundred, we know that one-half, at least, were non-electors; and we believe we could not be accused of exaggerating if we stated that scarce one hundred and fifty of them were voters. And how were the trades represented? The carpenters did not muster one-fifth of their members, and we may say the same of nearly every other trade. The Catholic Total Abstinence and Benevolent Society turned out not more, we believe, than one-fourth, or at most one-third of its numbers; and the private citizens who formed the tail of the procession were chiefly made up of Government hangers-on and candidates for office, the whole numbering, we suppose, from one hundred to one hundred and fifty.

    We do believe that even of the numbers who walked, there were many Anti-Unionists from conviction. But all were obliged to follow the lead given by their employers, or by others on whom they had been dependent for occasional assistance in business. Such was the great procession fizzle, the result of weeks of labor -- labor continued even through the Lord's Day. If any Anti-Unionist wish for comfort, this display would supply it.

    There were other features about the day's celebration which must have astonished the Union men. There was not one flag displayed to every fifty houses; there were empty flagstaffs to be seen in all directions; and to show the general disgust of the day and the occasion of its observance, we may instance that in one of the most populous parts of the city -- Water street from West's wharf to Dowolf's -- a distance of nearly half a mile -- but two flags were displayed.

    Many of the stores in the city were closed. Anti-Unionists, as well as their opponents took advantage of the holiday, as the day fell in a comparatively dull season, and promises of wonderful exhibitions had been made. Many, however, (we suppose nearly one-half) of the stores were doing business: showing unmistakably [sic] that it required something more than a proclamation to compel men to rejoice, or even to put on the semblance of doing so, over the destruction of the liberties of their country.

    With this demonstration we have every reason to be well content. It has shown plainly upon how small a foundation have been built the Unionists' boastings. They have striven energetically to show their strength, -- they have succeeded in manifesting their weakness. They have endeavored to overawe the people, -- they have succeeded in being laughed at. They will, we have no doubt, continue to pretend that they have hopes of winning the county of Halifax; but henceforth they will find among their own ranks few believers, and fall to cause the slightest doubt of complete triumph in the minds of their opponents.

    Source: "A fizzle," Halifax Morning Chronicle, July 2, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Dominion Day, The Unionist, and Halifax Journal

    The following article is from: The Unionist, and Halifax Journal Wednesday, July 3, 1867

    The Dominion was inaugurated on Monday, under the most favourable auspices. The day was delightfully fine for outdoor demonstrations -- in fact it was real Dominion weather. The greatest enthusiasm was evinced all over the city. The cordiality and enthusiasm evinced exceeded the most sanguine expectations of the friends of Union. Everywhere, with a few exceptions, the day was observed as a Public Holiday. Some few antis, who were of "no account," kept their shutters down and pretended to do business; but as the day wore on, many got ashamed of their opposition, and ere the torchlight procession moved off, they were found hurrahing vociferously for UNION and the NEW DOMINION! It is gratifying to know that every Union man behaved himself as Union men know how to do, and, altho' the antis were greatly afflicted all day, it is gratifying to know that they bore their affliction with becoming resignation, so that all the arrangements of the day were carried on without interruption.

    The programme published in our last was strictly adhered to. The booming of cannon announced the Birth of the New Dominion, and the ringing of church bells proclaimed the gladness.

    The Volunteer Artillery, shortly before eight o'clock in the morning, fired a salute of nineteen guns, which was replied to by the Naval Brigade on the Dartmouth side. Churches in the city were thrown open for Divine Service. The National Anthem was sung in all the churches. The Union Jack floated from all the public buildings, and from all the leading business houses. It was a grand gala day. Flags were suspended across the principal thoroughfares, and mottoes and devices appropriate to the occasion were distributed all over the city, such as "THE DREAM OF MY BOYHOOD," "BRITISH CONNECTION," "UNION UNION," "GOD SPEED THE UNION," "FREE TRADE, ONE COIN, ONE TARIFF, ONE CUSTOM HOUSE,".

    The orator of the day, Rev. Dr. M. RICHEY, D. D., delivered by request a truly eloquent oration from a rostrum erected on the Grand Parade. The following gentlemen occupied seats: --

    His Worship the Mayor, (Chairman,) Rev. Dr. Taylor, Rev. Mr. Temple, Rev. Mr. F. Stevenson, of Newfoundland. Senators of the Dominion -- Hon. E. Kenney, Hon. Benj. Wier, Hon. J. McCully, Hon. J. H. Anderson, and Hon. W Miller; Hon. Attorney General, Hon. Provincial Secretary, Hon. Financial Secretary; John Tobin, Esq., M. P. P. Sheriff Sawyers, Hon. A. MacFarlane, Hon. S. L. Shannon Judge Pryor, and several others.

    Thousands of people listened with breathless attention to the magnificent address delivered by the Revd. gentleman -- to whom the friends of Union everywhere are under many obligations for the magnificent manner in which he was pleased to respond to the call.

    Immediately after the oration the procession formed in under the able management of Mr. J. Shean, the Marshal of the day. All the Trade Unions were represented, with carriages drawn by horses, handsomely mounted, and bearing suitable mottoes; the men were at work at their different avocations, the Blacksmiths, Stonecutters, Masons, Carpenters and Joiners, Tobacco Manufacturers, the Bakers, Biscuit Manufacturers, Ship Carpenters and Caulkers, Iron Founders, Boiler Makers, Stove Founders, Nail Manufacturers. The Bands of the Volunteer Battalion and Union Protection Company, and the Drums and Fifes of the Volunteer Artillery supplied the music on the occasion. They were joined by citizens, Mayor and Corporation, Professional men, members of Local Legislature, the Government, Senators of the Dominion, Cavalcade. The procession, which covered over a mile of ground, marched through the principal streets. They were greeted all along the line by cheers from bystanders, and by waving of handkerchiefs from windows. The Juvenile Instrumental Band of St. Mary's College discoursed sweet music from the balcony of the Glebe House. On the return of the procession to the Parade, Dr. Tupper was vociferously called for, when he came forward and made a brief but eloquent speech. John Tobin, Esq., also made a few appropriate remarks.

    At noon there was a Grand Display on the Common of the Military and Naval forces, in presence of His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor and the Officers of his Staff.

    In the afternoon there were sports on the Common. Although it was not intended there should be a general illumination, yet many buildings were illuminated with transparencies and otherwise. The Torch Light Procession of the Union Engine Company was a brilliant affair -- it was the most attractive feature of the days proceedings. The display of Fire Works was creditable. The Provincial Building and Lunatic Asylum were brilliantly illuminated. Every thing went off as "merry as marriage bell." We have been necessarily compelled, in this short sketch, to omit several important features in the days proceedings.

    Source: "Dominion Day," The Unionist, and Halifax Journal, July 3, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Dominion Day, Eastern Chronicle and Pictou County Advocate

    The following article is from: Eastern Chronicle and Pictou County Advocate (Nova Scotia) July 3, 1867, p. 2

    The First of July has come and gone, and, doubtless, the men who have sold Nova Scotia think all is well. If they knew the smothered foeling of strong indignation, which on Monday swelled up in the breasts of thousands of Nova Scotians, and which alone respect for the Queen and the constituted authorities prevented from bursting forth in all its majesty, their rejoicings would have been mingled with fear. Nova Scotians, you are now said to be Canadians, by Act of Parliament, against your wishes. Do you accept the will of the despots who have forced this measure upon you, or do you reject the imputation as an insult upon your intelligence, and a trampling upon your right to be heard in deciding your own destiny? The coming Election will decide whether Nova Scotia is to be ruled according to the well-understood wishes of the people of this Province, or according to the commands -- the impudent demands -- of the rebels and corruptionists of Canada.

    So far as we can learn, the events of the natal day of the new dominion were not as remarkable as the Canadian Party wished them to be. On the whole, as a day of rejoicing, it was a failure; it was more worthy of being formed a day of humiliation. Doubtless in the latter sense it was regarded by many. In Pictou and New Glasgow, the display of flags by Confederates was meagre; and as an offset might be seen quite a number of flags upside down and half-mast, with several black permants, and a black flag. Only one or two stores were closed, and people appeared to attend to their business as usual. No church-bells were rung. no salutes were fired, no congratulations were offered on the birth of the "infant-monster Confederation;" those who rejoiced did so privately, not desiring to insult the body of their countrymen, who looked upon the day as a dark one for Nova Scotia.

    In Halifax, we find the celebration -- as compared with the efforts put forth to make it succesful -- was a failure. We learn by the Morning Chronicle of yesterday that only about 600 persons marched in the grand procession, many of whom were non-electors. In reference to the display of flags, &c., the Chornicle says;-

    "There were other features about the day's celebration which must have astonished the Union men. There was not one flag displayed to every fifty houses, there were empty flagstaffs, to be seen in all directions; and to show the general disgust of the day and the occasion of its observance, we may instance that in one of the most populous parts of the city - Water street from West's wharf to Dewolfs-a distance of nearly half mile-but two flags were displayed. Many of the stores in the city were closed. Anti-Unionists, as well as their opponents, took advantage of the holiday,as the day fell in a comparatively dull season, and promises of wonderful exhibitions had been made. Many however (we supose nearly one-half) of the stores were doing business; showing unmistakably that it required something more than a proclamation to compel men to rejoice, or even to put on the semblance of doing so, over the destruction of the liberties of their country."

    In the account given of the proceedings of the day by the same paper, we find that --

    "In the morning the Volunteer Artillery, by command of the Lieutenant-Governor, fired a salute on the Grand Parade, and the Naval Brigade fired a few guns from the Battery at Dartmouth. The bells of all the churches did not, as was expected, end their aid at the celebration, those of St. Mary's Cathedral being the only ones to carry out this part of the programme. Nor were the Churches all open for early services as the Unionists modestly requested. Services were held, we believe in Trinity Church and the Garrison Chapel. About 10 o'clock the Rev. Dr. Richey took the stand on the Parade, and delivered the "oration" of the day. The-rev gentleman is a good speaker and was listened to with attention by a large number of persons. His address was, of course, decidedly Confederate, and he expects greater benefits to follow confederation than the great body of Nova Scotians anticipate -- even greater advantages than Messes. Tupper & Co. claim for the scheme. At the close of Dr. Richey's address. he was cheered be the audience. Some one proposed "three cheers for the Hon Joseph Howe," which were most rapturously given"

    There was a review on the Common in the forenoon, but the local forces were not present. This is somewhat suggestive. Nothing else worthy of note is recorded. No disturbance of any kind took place,as was anticipated by the Confederates, who, in order to more thoroughly insult the citizens of Halifax, had a number of special constables sworn in.

    In Truro, which Mr. Archibald looks upon as his stronghold, the rejoicing was not at all general. Two black flags were displayed in prominent positions. On Sabbath evening previous, the High Sheriff of Colchester County was piously engaged in canvassing the elders of Dr. McCulloch's congregation for liberty to ring the bell on Monday morning. He met with rather a warm repulse, but at length succeeded in getting the consent of two out of thirteen, and procured a mute to ring the bell for fifteen minutes. This was done without consulting Dr. McCulloch, who was absent, attending Synod in New Glasgow; and we believe the Rev. gentleman feels much aggrieved, both at the Sabbath desecration and the prostitution of the Church bell to the unholy work of ringing out joyful peals to commemmorate Nova Scotia's humiliation. But we find that all this is on a par with the conduct of Confederates elsewere. In Halifax, on the last Lord's Day, the South part of the City was disturbed by a number of workmen in the vicinity of Mr. Brookfield's premises, who, the whole day through, while constructing platforms for the Union demonstration, made the neighbourhood resound with the noise of their labors. Thus were the laws of God and of man openly violated in order to prepare for celebrating the birth of the new dominion. But, perhaps, we should not complain, as this is only following up what happened when Quebec scheme was signed on Sunday. We know that falsehood, corruption, and deeds that blush to bear the light of day have all been employed to consummate this outrage upon civil liberty. It was upon this scheme -- naught else than the work of the arch fiend himself -- that ministers and people were asked to supplicate the blessing of Him who dwells in purity and holiness. What s solemn mockery! What consistent advocates of right, and what firm opponents of wrong the Presbyterian Witness and Halifax Wesleyan are! Recommending that Divine service should be held in all the Churches in order to implore the blessing of Heaven upon the Union -- upon corruption. upon Sabbath desecration, upon Tupper's oft-repeated falsehoods, upon breachess of Divine and human law, upon despotic interference with the acknowledged rights of the people! Is it any wonder that the people are disgusted with Confederation and its noisy promoters; and that they are resolved to give no sanction to a political revolution promoted by such unworthy means, and sought to be fastened upon the county in opposition to their wishes?

    Source: "Dominion Day," Eastern Chronicle and Pictou County Advocate (Nova Scotia), July 3, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Married, Born, Died

    The following article is from: Eastern Chronicle and Pictou County Advocate (Nova Scotia) July 3, 1867, p. 3


    On Monday morning last, at Ottawa C.E., by the British Parliament, assisted by Canadian Rebels and Annexationists and home-born Traitors, in all her midsummer beauty, the young and fair Nova Scotia and "big brother" Canada. Contrary to all the principles of Liberty, the young lady was forced into what her friends consider to be an unhappy union. She was beautiful and rich; her suitor was old, crabbed and almost bankrupt, -- constantly given to harboring persons obnoxious to Mrs Brittania, and frequently breaking out into fits of rebellious rage. As the match is considered to be very inauspicious one for the fair and blushing bride, her friends, who are numerous, powerful, and well-disciplined, intend shortly to take prompt and decided steps to procure a divorce. No cards.


    On Monday morning last, at 12 […] a.m., (premature) the Dominion of Canada -- illegitimate. This prodigy is known as the infant monster Confederation, and is called by one of the fond parents, D'Arcy McGee, the "skeleton of an Empire." -- The flesh and sinews are supposed to have corroded in consequence of the infant several times falling into champagne and brandy during seasons of "exhaustive festivities." The skeleton of the monster is fearfully long, but very slim and narrow, especially about the chest. It is feared it will not live long, as it even now in a precarious state of health, and in danger of being devoured by some cannibalistic animals owned by Uncle Sam. The head -- Nova Scotia -- is the only part of the body that exhibits real signs of vitality; and strange to say, several eminent Doctors have given it as their opinion that the head must and will be separated from the remainder of the skeleton, in which case the former will grow and flourish into a healthy man, and prove a worthy descendant of Mrs Brittania.


    At 12 o'clock midnight, on Sunday, the 30th day of June, John Bluenose, aged 118 years on the 21st day of that month. During a long and prosperous life, the deceased enjoyed much personal respect. His vast resources and means of accumulating wealth had unfortunately, during the last few years, attracted the envy of corrupt men in the Northern, Hemisphere. His premature and untimely death, it is said, has been hastened by some of his own children -- Doctor "Poison-Bag" and three members of the legal profession, who have for a short time been studying quackery, and for whom this fond parent had amply provided, had they only been content. The sadden demise of this old gentleman is lamented by a large majority of loyal friends. It is not the part of Christian mourners to dive into futurity, but the unfair death of their lamented friend, is matter of great doubt and uncertainly in regard to his future well-being. His remains have been conveyed to Canada for interment, whither also his vast wealth had been surreptitiously transferred by his supposed murderers, and will be followed to the grave by a few of his renegade children, accompanied by D'Arcy McGee and Monsieur Cartier, for whose heads a large sum of money had been offered by the old gentleman's friends in England. We understand that a last will and testament had been many years ago drawn up by a professional friend in Britain, conveying his untold wealth and resources to his loyal children in Nova Scotia, and not dreaming that parricidal and rebellious hands should cut short the thread of life, had no time given him to ask their consent, though beseeching his assassins to afford him an opportunity to do so. If there are any creditors of the old gentleman (other than those mentioned), his mourning friends desire that their accounts, duly attested to, be sent in to Adams G Archibald, the Executor of the Estate, or to the President and Secretary of the United States, who will be prepared, five years after date, to discharge the same. -- Non requiescat in pace.

    Source: "Married," "Born," "Died," Eastern Chronicle and Pictou County Advocate (Nova Scotia), July 3, 1867, p. 3.
    © Public Domain

  • The New Dominion: pro-Confederation editorial

    The following article is from: Halifax Evening Express July 3, 1867, p. 2

    In the pregnant language of one of the transparencies which appeared in a window of the residence of the Archbishop of Halifax on the 1st, "To-day union makes a dominion of a province; dignifies our manhood; expands our sympathy; links us with thirty five hundred thousand fellow-subjects in our own land; and fifty millions of human beings north of panama. God save the Queen."

    The above text is a suggestive one and the great facts which it contains, the mighty future which it enunciates, must fill the heart of every true man with feelings of the deepest gratitude and pride, as well as confidence, in the greatness and the prosperity in store for us, if we have the wisdom to use aright the great opportunity which is now offered us. A few days ago we were a Province with a population, all told, barely equal to that of a second rate European city. We had the paraphernalia of Responsible Government, we were free as the air we breathed, our land had lying under it resources whose value is to be counted in tens of millions. With a bracing climate, a fertile soil, girdled almost by a sea teaming with inexhaustible treasure, with a geographical position equal to that of New York or Liverpool, with everything, indeed, but one, to give us place, and name, and influence, and prosperity; the absence of that one thing neutralized all the others. We had not room, or means enough, or men enough, to utilize and make best of these splendid resources. For 150 years we have been struggling onward, retarded at every step by our inherent weakness. We have lived politically unknown. Our Province; rich to repletion with natural resources stretched out its arms far into the broad Atlantic, as if inviting, wooing some portion of that vast human stream of emigration, directing its course westward, to seek the nearest haven, and find a home in little Nova Scotia. But all in vain. More distant, because more influential, Canada intercepted a part, and the United States absorbed a greater portion still. We talked, and wrote, and proved to demonstration what a noble field our Province was for capital, and skill, and labor. But we talked and wrote all in vain. Our isolation and obscurity were the consequence of our littleness, and it was evident that so long as we were small, we would remain isolated and obscure. Our farms hitherto have yielded barely one-fourth of their capability; and even that fraction the poor farmer has had, to a great extent, to dispose of in the way of barter. Our fisheries have not enriched those men who have been toiling by the sea, and our mineral treasures vast enough to make fortune of an empire, have been almost totally undeveloped. We have built railways at the public expense for our ideal traffic, which have paid little more than working expenses, leaving the interest of the first cost to be paid out of the public chest. Such has been the record of our past, and such would have continued to be our record for the future had we selfishly and foolishly insisted upon wrapping ourselves up in our own isolation.

    We have chosen the better and the wiser course, and the great Demonstration of Monday last has proved that the Provincial heart beats sound and sympathetic with the great constitutional change. Nova Scotia is, indeed, to-day both a Province and an integral portion of a Dominion, with room and verge enough for the energy and enterprise of 150 millions of human beings, with a territory resting upon two oceans, lying in the great highway of the commerce, both of the east and of the west, covering at least one million of square miles of land, capable of successful cultivation, situated within the Temperate Zone and possessing on the whole the most healthy climate in the world.

    For the first time we have got a fair chance in the peaceful conflict going on all around us, after progress, prosperity, and individual comfort; joined with that feeling of security and pride, and love of country which recognized status alone can give. Nova Scotia is no longer a petty Province, nor Halifax a petty town, nor what we called towns, small villages, whose names were unknown, beyond the circumference of the Province itself. The day of small things has passed away, and henceforth we will have our names inscribed among the nations of the Western World. The United States is great and powerful, and for generations to come will continue in advance of us, but to us will be accorded the second place on the Continent of North America and before many years shall have passed over our heads, we will be in point of position, influence, and material prosperity the second on the whole Continent from Behring's Straits to Cape Horn.

    Source: "The new dominion," Halifax Evening Express, July 3, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain


  • Nunavut Land Claims Agreement Act

    Source: "An Act respecting an Agreement between the Inuit of the Nunavut Settlement Area and Her Majesty the Queen in right of Canada" (short title: Nunavut Land Claims Agreement Act), Statutes of Canada 1993, v. II, c. 29, p. 1259-1262.
    © Crown
    Reproduced with permission of the Department of Justice.


  • Black Newspapers: Introduction

    The following article is from: Voice of the Fugitive, March 12, 1851

    In introducing the Voice of the Fugitive to its patrons, the rules of propriety, as well as a long established custom, make it our duty to set forth some avowal of the principles by which we shall be governed in its editorial management..

    We expect... to advocate the cause of human liberty in the true meaning of that term. We shall advocate the immediate and unconditional abolition of chattel slavery everywhere, but especially on American soil. We shall also persuade... every oppressed person of color in the United States to settle in Canada, where the laws make no distinction among men, based on complection, and upon whose soil "no slave can breathe"...

    We shall oppose the annexation of Canada to the United States to the fullest extent of our ability, while that Government continues to tolerate the abominable system of human slavery.

    We shall from time to time endeavor to lay before our readers the true condition of our people in Canada, of their hopes and propects for the future - and while we intend this to be a mouth piece for the refugees, yet we mean to speak out our sentiments as a freeman upon all subjects that come within our sphere...

    Source: "Introduction," Voice of the Fugitive, March 12, 1851.
    © Public Domain

  • Black Newspapers: The duties of colored men in Canada

    The following article is from: Provincial Freeman April 25, 1857

    What are the duties of colored men in these Provinces, who have been forced here from American despotism and oppression? We shall answer this question as frankly and at the same time, as sincere (sic) as we think its importance demands. Well then! we live in a government that knows no caste in its political organization. All men stand on the broad platform of equality before the laws, and are alike cared for by Her Majesty's government. It is as true now as it was when Curran spoke those immortal words.

    No matter what complexion incompatible with Liberty, an Indian or an African man may have burnt upon him, the moment he sets his foot upon British soil he is free.

    ...From this pleasing picture we turn to its contrast, the Republican government of the United States.

    And what are its recent decisions upon questions involving the liberty of her entire colored population. Why? that none but white men were intended to be recognized as citizens in the political structure of the government. That negroes constitute the exceptions; that they have no rights under her laws; are aliens and outcasts on her shores...We owe everything to the country of our adoption and nothing to that miserable, contemptible, despotism the government of the United States.

    Source: "The duties of colored men in Canada," Provincial Freeman, April 25, 1857.
    © Public Domain

  • The Trent Affair

    The following article is from: The Illustrated London News Saturday, December 21, 1861

    Last week it seemed difficult to obtain attention for any subject save that of the American crisis. "Who can tell what a day may bring forth?" Today, in the presence of the heavy affliction with which it has pleased the Almighty and Inscrutable to visit our beloved Sovereign and the nation, even the solemn situation in which we have been placed by the piratical act of the Americans is momentarily disregarded while we seek to realize the sudden sorrow. But the record of the week must be duly completed.

    President Lincoln's Message, as a composition, is conceived in the same low moral tone and executed with the same maladroitness which have characterized the preceding State Papers of his Government. But such considerations are of small importance compared with the indications of policy afforded by the document. There is no mention of the Trent outrage. From this circumstance, and from a meaningless declaration that the President does not desire hostilities with England, some sanguine writers have hastened to assume that the act of Captain Wilks will be disavowed, and the Southern Commissioners handed over to us. It is urged that Mr. Lincoln did not deem the act of the American Captain as worthy of notice in the Message, or that it is one upon which England has but to express her feeling to obtain immediate atonement. And this view is supported by reference to the fact that an actual wrong to British subjects is mentioned, and Congress is recommended to make compensation. We should be too happy to believe that so wise a course was that designed for adoption by the American Government, but we are afraid to resign ourselves to so agreeable a hope. It contradicts the general expression of that part of the American public which makes itself heard, and which exercises a fatal control over the so-called government of the American press (with one or two honourable exceptions), and of the American Secretary of State. The House of Representatives has deliberately offered a vote of thanks to the pirate Wilks; and though it is technically true that this is not precisely the same thing as a vote of our House of Commons, it is equally true, and more to the purpose, that the House of Representatives expresses the sentiments of those who, to the disgrace of the higher classes in the States, are permitted to engross political power. In the face of all these demonstrations, to say nothing of an official utterance by the head of the Federal Navy, we dare scarcely believe that the despatch of Earl Russell will receive the only answer which we can accept. Still we have only to wait and hear. Our next Impression will, in all probability, contain the expected intelligence. The news regarding the struggle between the North and South merely states that General McClellan has not moved, "nor will he move until he is certain to win" -- a somewhat indefinite date. We learn with something akin to disgust that the barbarous reprisal system is likely to come into effect, that prisoners are being cruelly treated, and may be actually executed in cold blood -- facts which reduce a war to an abominable brigandage. The North, in its excess of zeal for civilization, is also elaborately destroying harbours in the South, thus by savage acts giving the lie to the profession of belief that the territory to which the harbours belong will ever again be a portion of the Federal dominions.

    Source: "The Trent Affair," The Illustrated London News, December 21, 1861.
    © Public Domain

  • Policy of the new government

    The following article is from: The London Free Press, and Daily Western Advertizer May 28, 1862, p. 2

    We published the following as an Extra on yesterday: --

    Legislative Council
    Quebec, May 26th.

    At the meeting of the house to-day, the Hon. Mr. Morris stated the Ministerial policy, which was precisely similar to that given in the Lower House; a debate arose, which was proceeding when our report left.

    Legislative Assembly
    Monday, May 26.

    The Speaker took the chair at 3 o'clock.
    On motion of different members, new writs were ordered to be issued for the West Riding of York; North Riding of Oxford; the Town of Cornwall; the County of Argenteuil, the County of St. Hyacinthe; the County of Quebec; the district of Montreal West; the North Riding of York, for election of members to represent these constituencies in the stead of late members who vacated their seats by the accepting of office.

    Mr. Wallbridge then arose and read the following as the policy of the new government:–

    FIRST - Recognizing the Federal character of the act of Union, and the danger at the present critical emergency of any change of the basis of that Union, the Government will seek to remedy the evils now encountered in the Government of Canada, by committing to all members composing the Administration for each section respectively, control of all matters of a local or sectional character-the Administration as a whole being charged with all such matters as are necessarily common to both sections of the Province.

    FIFTH.-The Tariff will be readjusted so as to meet, as far as possible, the demands upon the revenue, but the re-adjustment will be made with a due regard to the manufacturing interests of the country.

    SECOND.-It will be admitted, as a rule, that local legislation should not be forced on either section of the Province against the wishes of a majority of its representatives, and that the Administration for each section should possess the confidence of a majority of its representatives.

    SIXTH.-A bill will be introduced to settle, in a more equitable manner, the relation of debtor and creditor, and to afford relief to insolvent debtors in an economical manner; such bill being made to apply to the whole Province.

    THIRD.-The Government will submit a measure for the more equitable adjustment of parliamentary representation in each section of the Province respectively.

    SEVENTH.-A system of retrenchment, including every branch of the public service, will be adopted, with a view to reduce the annual expenditure of the country within its income.

    FOURTH.-An amendment to the Militia Law will be proposed, so as to secure a proper enrolment of the available force of the Province under efficient officers; the distribution of arms furnished by the Imperial authorities through officers of Battalions, and the encouragement of the volunteer movement.

    EIGHTH.-Her Majesty's decision with reference to the seat of government will be maintained; a thorough investigation into all matters connected with the public building at Ottawa will immediately be made; so soon as this investigation can be completed, and contracts ascertained to be such as to permit the works to be proceeded with, under them, no time will be lost in endeavoring to place the matter in a condition to make satisfactory progress.

    Mr. Loranger then explained the policy in French, and stated that it was the intention of Government to ask the House to pass certain public bills, including a portion of the Tariff Bill of the late Finance Minister; to go on with private bills; and then prorogue Parliament to meet again in January.

    They proposed asking the House to hold two sessions on each day until the prorogation. A debate ensued in the course of which the leaders of the late Government stated that they did not intend to offer, at this time, any opposition. The debate was still proceeding when our report left.

    Source: "Policy of the new government," The London Free Press and Daily Western Advertizer, May 28, 1862, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Confederation and the people

    The following article is from: The Evening Times (Hamilton) Monday, November 21, 1864

    The managers of the Confederation scheme seem to be doing their best to render their work unpopular, and secure for it an amount of opposition that on its merit it would never receive. Instead of presenting it to the public in a straightforward manner, in a manner expressive of their confidence in its inherent value, they seem determined to create difficulties where none should exist, and keep up obstructions in their own path. Let us see how it has been conducted. Some thirty gentlemen occupying official positions in the respective provinces received, without any authorization from the Parliaments they represented, to meet at Quebec for the purpose of initiating a scheme for the Confederation of all the Provinces, and preparing a constitution for the Government of the Provinces when so united. They met, and in a few weeks of hurried work conducted with as much secrecy as could be maintained, settled on the details of a change in our whole system of Government, and drafted a constitution under which they propose we shall live for all time to come. So far, we presume, their action was unblameable. Although they engaged in a work to which they had not been called by the people, they were acting under the authority of the Queen's representative, and in addition to this, they, as the leading [...] of the Provinces, were the ones whom public opinion, if it had been consulted, would have pointed out as the best qualified for the task.

    Public opinion was not consulted at first and it submitted with good grace. But public opinion has not been consulted since and it being moreover announced that public opinion will not be consulted at all, public opinion is growing indignant and hostile. The people were content that in the initiatory steps they should be excluded and that while the deliberations on their future political fate were going on the doors of the conference room should be closed upon them; but when all this was over and the scheme fully developed, they certainly hoped that sufficient respect would be shown them to lay before them the results arrived at. Such has not been the case. Eaves-droppings of what has been effected, stray paragraphs picked up by keen scented reporters, disjointed remarks made in after dinner speeches, are their sole portion. True we have the constitution given us in full, but in this we are over blessed, for we have so many constitutions given us that the matter is becoming more hopelessly confused than ever. The Journal de Quebec was the first to come out with the confederate scheme in detail, but it carefully introduced it with the remark that it was gathered from newspaper reports -- which in plain English meant that it was a hodgepodge of rumors and facts, more likely to be false than true. The Montreal Gazette not to be outdone by its French contemporary, soon after produced another constitution, which it pronounced a nearer approach to correctness that that of the Journal. Then came amendments to the Journal, which it was contended made its scheme perfect. The Globe pronounced them both incorrect and this morning lays before its readers a third constitution, which is of course the one, without shadow of doubt. As the constitution increases in perfection in travelling westward, as witness the Quebec, Montreal, and Toronto versions, we presume that the final and authorized text will turn up somewhere about Windsor, or, perhaps, Vancouver's Island. These constitutions are very good and the Quebec Journal, the Montreal Gazette and the Toronto globe deserve great credit for their Ingenuity as constitution makers, but what the people would like to see is the Quebec Conference's constitution. Our appreciation of the labors of the press compel us to place great value upon newspaper schemes, but at the same time, the scheme of the Conference officially announced is the one of the most practical importance at present. As it has been completed, signed and sealed, it would not be a work of extreme difficulty to give its text to the people, with such endorsation as would enable them to feel positive that at length they had obtained the pure article direct from the fountain head.

    With reference to the second step in the mismanagement, the expressed intention of adopting the new constitution without an appeal to the people, there is little to be said. The Globe and whatever other journals may favor it, may exhaust columns in showing the expense of another election, the uselessness of another election, the injurious effects of another election, and the thousand and one other evils that would result from an appeal to the people, but plausible as these reasonings may appear, they are crushed beneath the weight of the single reason offered in favor of an appeal to the people. If the people have any political power, if their voice should ever be heard, their power should be felt and their voice be heard on a question in which their whole future destiny is involved. If their direct decision on the Confederation question is unnecessary, we know of no question that has arisen in the past, we can imagine none in the future, of sufficient importance to justify an appeal to them. The polling booths thereafter may as well be turned into pig pens and the voters' lists cut up into pipe lighters.

    What good all this mystery is to do -- what benefits are to result from the attempt to ignore the people -- we know not; what evils are resulting, and will result from it, we do know. Extremely favorable to the scheme at first, there is a feeling growing up, that if they are to be completely shut out from participation in the movement, they may be compelled in the future to disown it, as none of their creation. They are beginning to matter that if the assent of the people is so trifling a matter now, that assent may not be forthcoming when it will be essential. For their assent is essential, and must be obtained, in spite of all that politicians may say or do. The Cabinet may pooh pooh it, and the Globe frown it down; but he will be a daring member of the Legislature who consents to a scheme that will never alter our whole constitution without first ascertaining the will of his constituents. That will must be consulted yet, and the attempt to smother its expression can have no effect except that of irritating it.

    Source: "Policy of the new government," The London Free Press and Daily Western Advertizer, May 28, 1862, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • John A. Macdonald on the Federal System

    These portions of Macdonald's speech during the Confederation debates are exceptionally important in that they give us the clearest picture of the motives underlying our federal system as outlined in the British North America Act.

    ...Now, as regards the comparative advantages of a Legislative and a Federal Union, I have never hesitated to state my own opinions. I have again and again stated in the House, that, if practicable, I thought a Legislative Union would be preferable. (Hear, hear.) I have always contended that if we could agree to have one government and one parliament, legislating for the whole of these peoples, it would be the best, the cheapest, the most vigorous, and the strongest system of government we could adopt. (Hear, hear.) But, on looking at the subject in the Conference, and discussing the matter as we did, most unreservedly, and with a desire to arrive at a satisfactory conclusion, we found that such a system was impracticable. In the first place, it would not meet the assent of the people of Lower Canada, because they felt that in their peculiar position -- being in a minority, with a different language, nationality and religion from the majority, -- in case of a junction with the other provinces, their institutions and their laws might be assailed, and their ancestral associations, on which they prided themselves, attacked and prejudiced; it was found that any proposition which involved the absorption of the individuality of Lower Canada -- if I may use the expression-- would not be received with favour by her people. We found too, that though their people speak the same language and enjoy the same system of law as the people of Upper Canada, a system founded on the common law of England, there was as great a disinclination on the part of the various Maritime Provinces to lose their individuality, as separate political organizations, as we observed in the case of Lower Canada herself. (Hear, hear). Therefore, we were forced to the conclusion that we must either abandon the idea of Union altogether, or devise a system of union in which the separate provincial organizations would be in some degree preserved....

    ...The Conference having come to the conclusion that a legislative union, pure and simple, was impracticable, our next attempt was to form a government upon federal principles, which would give to the General Government the strength of a legislative and administrative union, while at the same time it preserved that liberty of action for the different sections which is allowed by a Federal Union. And I am strong in the belief -- that we have hit upon the happy medium in those resolutions, and that we have formed a scheme of government which unites the advantages of both, giving us the strength of a legislative union and the sectional freedom of a federal union, with protection to local interests. In doing so we had the advantage of the experience of the United States....

    We can now take advantage of the experience of the last seventy-eight years, during which that Constitution has existed, and I am strongly of the belief that we have, in a great measure, avoided in this system which we propose for the adoption of the people of Canada, the defects which time and events have shown to exist in the American Constitution....

    Ever since the union was formed the difficulty of what is called "State Rights" has existed, and this had much to do in bringing on the present unhappy war in the United States. They commenced, in fact, at the wrong end. They declared by their Constitution that each state was a sovereignty in itself, and that all the powers incident to a sovereignty belonged to each state, except those powers which, by the Constitution, were conferred upon the General Government and Congress. Here we have adopted a different system. We have strengthened the General Government. We have given the General Legislature all the great subjects of legislation. We have conferred on them, not only specifically and in detail, all the powers which are incident to sovereignty, but we have expressly declared that all subjects of general interest not distinctly and exclusively conferred upon the local governments and local legislatures, shall be conferred upon the General Government and Legislature. -- We have thus avoided that great source of weakness which has been the cause of the disruption of the United States. We have avoided all conflict of jurisdiction and authority, and if this Constitution is carried out,...we will have in fact, as I said before, all the advantages of a legislative union under one administration, with, at the same time, the guarantees for local institutions and for local laws, which are insisted upon by so many in the provinces now, I hope, to be united....

    ...any honourable member on examining the list of different subjects which are to be assigned to the General and Local Legislatures respectively, will see that all the great questions which affect the general interests of the Confederacy as a whole, are confided to the Federal parliament, while the local interests and local laws of each section are preserved intact, and entrusted to the care of the local bodies. As a matter of course, the General Parliament must have the power of dealing with the public debt and property of the Confederation. Of course, too, it must have the regulation of trade and commerce, of customs and excise. The Federal Parliament must have the sovereign power of raising money from such sources and by such means as the representatives of the people will allow. It will be seen that the local legislatures have the control of all local works; and it is a matter of great importance, and one of the chief advantages of the Federal Union and of local legislatures, that each province will have the power and means of developing its own resources and aiding its own progress after its own fashion and in its own way. Therefore all the local improvements, all local enterprises or undertakings of any kind, have been left to the care and management of the local legislatures of each province. (Cheers.)....

    ...With respect to the local governments, it is provided that each shall be governed by a chief executive officer, who shall be nominated by the General Government. As this is to be one united province, with the local governments and legislatures subordinate to the General Government and Legislature, it is obvious that the chief executive officer in each of the provinces must be subordinate as well. The General Government assumes towards the local governments precisely the same position as the Imperial Government holds with respect to each of the colonies now; so that as the Lieutenant Governor of each of the different provinces is now appointed directly by the Queen, and is directly responsible, and reports directly to Her, so will the executives of the local governments hereafter be subordinate to the Representative of the Queen, and be responsible and report to him....

    ...In conclusion, I would again implore the House not to let this opportunity pass. It is an opportunity that may never recur. At the risk of repeating myself, I would say, it was only by a happy concurrence of circumstances, that we were enabled to bring this great question to its present position. If we do not take advantage of the time, if we show ourselves unequal to the occasion, it may never return, and we shall hereafter bitterly and unavailingly regret having failed to embrace the happy opportunity now offered of founding a great nation under the fostering care of Great Britain, and our Sovereign Lady, Queen Victoria. (Loud cheers, amidst which the honourable gentleman resumed his seat).

    Source: "John A. Macdonald on the federal system.": excerpts from Parliamentary Debates on the Subject of the Confederation of the British North American Provinces, 3rd Session, 8th Provincial Parliament of Canada. Quebec: Hunter, Rose & Co., 1865. p. 29-45.
    © House of Commons

  • British North America

    The following article is from: The Daily Citizen (Ottawa) July 1867

    The great theme of the age: a poem on the confederation of the British American provinces / J. T. Breeze

    That mind that rules throughout th' eternal skies,
    And where the mightiest circl'd planet flies,
    And scans the whole with one glance of his eye,
    And doth all time and circumstance espy,
    Knew just as well some million years ago,
    As moments now that do this instant flow,
    That these vast lands should yet in one unite,
    For some great purpose of his mind of might.
    To well combine the good of Europe's powers,
    Reject the bad from these fair shores of ours,
    Bring to right from every distant shore,
    And blend them here in bliss for evermore.
    We are designed by heaven's own wise decree
    To be a model of a country free.
    Young Jonathan has had his trial's day,
    False to his trust it fled from him away;
    And now his cousin, trusted with the grace,
    Stands on th' eminence of his former place.
    True to our trust, firm at the sacred post,
    Let us not yet, as other lands, be lost;
    But stand to adorn, throughout all distant time,
    Our country fame; in every other clime
    There is a law, a principle divine,
    That runs through all this noble theme of mine;
    Heaven doth design throughout these measures all
    To teach mankind new lessons for their soul.
    There's some new light in every theme of power
    That men discuss throughout life's chequered hour;
    Some dross doth fall from every changing age,
    That yet is seen disgracing history's page;
    Some dross doth fall from every changing age,
    That yet is seen disgracing history's page;
    And good will come, yea, universal good,
    Where once of yore some ancient error stood.
    Man may propose, in good and evil, too,
    God rules o'er all, and gives mankind their due;
    The world moves on, let man say what he will,
    Some Gallio moves in every circle still.
    Heaven's own decree to renovate this earth,
    And make it brighter than 'twas at his birth,
    Will come to pass in spite of scoffers' tongue,
    The atheist riddle, and the gambler's song;
    For his great mind preside for evermore
    O'er every scene, through time, on every shore.

    Source: Breeze, J. T. "British North America: the great theme of the age, a poem on the confederation of the British American provinces," The Daily Citizen (Ottawa), July 1867.
    © Public Domain

  • Confederation Day!

    The following article is from: The Globe Monday, July 1, 1867, vol. 24, no. 156, supplement, p. 4, col. 1

    The Union of the Provinces of Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, under the new Constitution, takes effect today. We heartily congratulate our readers on the event, and fervently pray that all the blessings anticipated from the measure, by its promoters, may be fully realized.

    So far as the people of Upper Canada are concerned, the inauguration of the new Constitution may well be heartily rejoiced over as the brightest day in their calendar. The Constitution of 1867 will be famous in the historical annals of Upper Canada, not only because it brought two flourishing Maritime States into alliance with the Canadas, and opened up new markets for our products, and a direct railway route to the Atlantic through British territory, but because it relieved the inhabitants of Western Canada from a system of injustice and demoralization under which they had suffered for a long series of years.

    The unanimity and cordiality with which all sections of the people of Canada accept the new Constitution, gives the happiest omen of its successful operation. And, assuredly, if the people of the United Provinces are true to themselves and exercise a persistent and careful control over all public proceedings, there is not a shadow of doubt as to success. The only danger that threatens us is, lest the same men who have so long misgoverned us, should continue to misgovern us still, and the same reckless prodigality exhibited in past years should be continued in the future; but this we do not fear. We firmly believe, that from this day, Canada enters on a new and happier career, and that a time of great prosperity and advancement is before us.

    Source: "Confederation Day!," The Globe, July 1, 1867, vol. 24, no. 56, supplement, p. 4.
    © Public Domain

  • Confederation Day in Toronto - The Programme of Rejoicings

    The following article is from: The Globe Monday, July 1, 1867, vol. 24, no. 156, supplement, p. 4, col. 2

    Today, our loyal city will bear her part in celebrating an occasion destined in the future annals of these Provinces to be marked as a red letter day for all time. To-day, we assume the character of citizens of a DOMINION, and Toronto again becomes the Seat of Government of Upper Canada under its new name of the Province of Ontario. Toronto has bestirred herself to make the holiday befitting the occasion; and, although various circumstances have militated against the preparations, yet sufficient is announced to secure that the day shall be remembered among us as an eventful one in our history.

    Ere this fairly reaches our readers, more than one item in the day's program will have become an event of the past. Hours before these lines are read, the bells of St. James' broke the midnight silence to convey the joyful news to the city that the important era had arrived; and at four a.m. a detachment of the 10th Royals were to assemble at the drill shed, and hoist the Union Jack on the new flag-staff erected in front of the shed. The 10th Royal regimental colours were also to be hoisted at the north end of the shed at the same time. The Union Jack will be saluted with 21 guns immediately afterwards.

    At 6 o'clock a.m. an immense ox will be roasted by Capt. Woodhouse, of the barque Lord Nelson, at the foot of Church street. The animal, which was a very fine one, was purchased by subscription from Mr. Joseph Lennox, of Yorkville. The roasting will occupy a large portion of the day, and the meat will afterwards be distributed among the poor of the city.

    At half-past nine, an interesting meeting will be held in the lecture room of the Mechanics' Institute. The meeting will be held under the auspices of the Toronto branch of the Evangelical Alliance, and Christian persons of all denominations are invited to attend at that hour to invoke the divine blessing on the new Dominion. Brief addresses are expected from the Hon. Vice Chancellor Mowat, President of the Alliance, and the Rev. Messrs. Baldwin, Dewart and others.

    At half-past ten, a grand review will be held on the grounds west of Spadina avenue. The volunteers muster at their head quarters at 9 a.m., and are expected to be on the ground in time to receive the General, punctually at 10:30. The 13th Hussars, 17th infantry, two batteries of regular and one of volunteer artillery, Queen's Own, 10th Royals, and Grand Trunk Volunteer batallors, and Captain McLean's Fort artillery company, will take part in the review. Line will be formed prior to the arrival of General Stisted, and immediately on his entry on the field, a feu de joie will be fired by the infantry, and a royal salute by the artillery.

    In the afternoon, a pic-nic and festival in aid of the building of St. Patrick's School House and temporary church on Dummer street, will take place on the Government grounds.

    The Directors of the Horticultural Society have prepared a most attractive evening's entertainment. The bands of the 17th and 13th Hussars will be present, and a programme is arranged which will no doubt draw large crowds. After the concert, the bands will supply music for dancing.

    About 9 o'clock in the evening, fireworks will be let off in the Queen's Park. The avenues leading to the Park will be illuminated with lanterns, and a band will be present to add to the enjoyment of the occasion. In addition to these doings in the city, the Great Western advertise cheap rates to different points on the road. The Northern advertise an excursion to this city from the different stations; and the steamer City of Toronto leaves at 7 o'clock, with a party of excursionists for Lewiston, the Falls and Buffalo.

    The Rothesay Castle will make three trips around the Island, for the accommodation of excursionists favouring short lake trips, at one, two and three o'clock.

    In addition, illuminations and fireworks will be indulged in to a considerable extent. The Post Office, Gas House, and other buildings, have undergone the gas-fitters' manipulation; while in front of the Queen's, and at other points, a number of fireworks will be displayed.

    Source: "Confederation Day in Toronto -- the programme of rejoicings," The Globe, July 1, 1867, vol. 24, no. 56, supplement, p. 4.
    © Public Domain

  • Untitled

    The following article is from: The Ottawa Times City and Council Official Paper July 1, 1867, p. 2

    The first of July, A.D. 1867 will ever be a memorable day in the history of this country. It will mark a very solemn era in the progress of British North America. By the Constitution which this day comes in force will be solved the great problem -- a problem in which not we alone, but the whole world is intimately concerned -- whether British constitutional principles are to take root and flourish in the Western Hemisphere, or unbridled Democracy shall have a whole continent on which to erect the despotism of the mob. The issue is one of national existence combined with the enjoyment of rational liberty against the universal rule of an unrestrained Democracy.

    Today it is a question involving the destiny of four millions, a few ages hence, of forty millions of people. The Upper Canada and the Lower Canada of yesterday -- the Ontario and Quebec of today -- should have agreed to serve in the administration of local affairs, which for a quarter of a century, with much bickering and many told and untold heartburnings, they have administered together to the general advantage of the whole and the mutual profit of each, is a comparatively small matter. They have but agreed, each with the other, to take the littleness of their own individual affairs under the management of their own household; that they might be able to join with great cordiality in the administration of the great questions common to both. That the Acadian Provinces have joined their fortunes with the future of the Canadian Provinces is indeed a great thing -- the immediate fruits of the triumph of Confederation up to this day -- but the Union Act, the supremacy of which is this day to be celebrated, contemplates results of which as yet only the first step has been achieved.

    British American Union from Fort William to Cape Breton, is indeed a great triumph since the time that the people of the several Provinces began to emancipate themselves from the littleness of their local politics. But the spanning of the continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the incorporation of every foot of British American territory, from Newfoundland to Vancouver is the ultimate object for the accomplishment of which every patriotic man should labor, as the laying of the foundation of the edifice of British American greatness. Let us have our whole country for the due development of the whole Constitution. To pause now in the onward march would be to endanger the security of what we have already accomplished. Let us not be blinded by old local prejudices, or our time filtered away in the bootless discussion of ancient quarrels. The only sectionalism consistent with the new state of affairs is that which will rest not until every section of British North America is brought within the boundary of the new Dominion, -- the only party is that which recognises the right of all parties to assist in, and labor for the accomplishment of the end contemplated in the formation of the new Constitution.

    Sursum corda -- "Raise up your hearts" -- was the advice of the great French philosopher; but the heart of the philosopher is ruled by his head, and the heads of the people by their hearts. If the heart delights in the pride of knowledge or the mysteries of science, it is drawn thereto by the intellect; if the intellect rejoices in the progress of the world, in the planning of means for the alleviation of human misery, in the development of all that contributes to the enjoyment of life and the furtherance of social and material progress, it is drawn thereto by the heart. And today it lies more in the mouth of the patriot than the philosopher, to say to the people of the new Dominion -- Sursum corda -- "Raise up your hearts" -- above the petty strifes of an obsolete regime, above the narrow prejudices of a selfish sectionalism, above the bitterness of party politics and personal hatreds, above the low level of your cast-off Provincialism. "Raise up your hearts" to the new duties imposed by a new condition of things, to the fresh obligations created by a wider sphere of political action, and above all to a due appreciation of the imperative duty resting upon you to make of the new Constitution an entire and complete success -- territorially and politically, that here on this Western continent may be laid broad and deep the foundations of a solid superstructure of civil government, within the pale of which all men may find security for life, liberty and property.

    To such ends the statesman and the patriot may well ask the people to raise up their hearts on this the inauguration day of the new Dominion, the first of the supremacy of the new Constitution, framed by the best political wisdom of British North America, sanctioned by the unanimous approval of the Imperial Legislature, and given to us with a blessing by Her Most Gracious Majesty THE QUEEN, as the charter of our liberties and the guiding line of our future national life.

    Source: [Untitled], The Ottawa Times, July 1, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Celebration of Dominion Day

    The following article is from: The Expositor July 5, 1867, p. 2

    Monday last, the 1st day of July, was celebrated in this town, in a right loyal manner. The weather was all that could have been desired, and the day was ushered in by the ringing of bells and the discharge of firearms of every description. At an early hour the Grand Trunk Artillery boomed forth a Royal salute, and shortly afterwards the streets presented a lively and animated appearance. Crowds from the country came pouring in from every quarter, and by 12 o'clock the streets were one living mass of human beings bent on doing honor to the birthday of the new Dominion. At 9 o'clock the Christian public met in the Congressional Church, and prayer was offered up for the success and prosperity of the Confederacy.

    The procession

    Consisting of the 7th Royal Fusiliers, the 38th Battalion Brant Infantry, the Burford Cavalry, and the Grand Trunk Volunteers, formed on the Market Square and headed by their respective bands marched to Sandy Hill for a grand review. The Orange Order brought up the rear in the procession. B.G. Tisdale, Esq., and W.J. Imlach, Esq., acted as marshals on the occasion. The firemen and other citizens were not present in the procession owing to some difficulty with the committee arrangement of the Town Council; this is to be regretted. -- On Sandy Hill the whole force was reviewed by Major Hickie, in the absence of Colonel Cooper. After firing a Royal salute and marching past in quick time, three hearty British cheers were given for the Queen, and the different organizations marched down the hill and up Market street to the Market Square where the Royal Proclamation was read, and the commands proceeded to their rendezvous and dispersed for the day. A meeting for the purpose of adopting an address to the Queen was afterwards held in the Town Hall!

    Source: "Celebration of Dominion Day," The Expositor, July 5, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

Prince Edward Island

  • The Union scheme

    The following article is from: The Herald (Charlottetown) Wednesday, October 12, 1864

    The Canadian Government steamer, Queen Victoria called at this Port on Thursday last, for the delegates appointed to represent this island in the Convention whose deliberations commenced at Quebec on the 10th instant. Our Delegates are Hon. Col. Grey, Hon. Edward Palmer, Hon. W. H. Pope, Hon. T. H. Haviland, Hon. Daniel Davies, Hon. George Coles, Hon. A. A. McDonald, Hon. Edward Whelan. Of this number of our Legislators, Mr. Pope is the only one who advocated an Union of the Colonies when the question of the appointment of delegates was under consideration of our Legislature last Session. All the other members of the Delegation, we believe, were then adverse to an Union, and nearly all of them made long speeches in opposition thereto. Messrs Haviland, Whelan and Coles were particularly loquacious on the subject; the former gentleman declared that he would not vote to have this island united with the other colonies on any consideration, and the two latter gentlemen voted against the appointment of the Delegation of whose number they now form a part. But alas for the firmness and consistency of our politicians, All our Delegates are now, we understand, professed Union advocates.

    What the result of the Quebec Convention may be, is at present difficult to divine; but whatever may result there from, this much is certain, that the whole Delegation affair will cost this Island a very considerable sum of money. We learn that our Delegates receive eight dollars per day each as remuneration for their services, besides their travelling charges and other incidental expenses. And for what purpose is all this expense incurred? Simply for the consummation of an Union which must necessarily entail heavy taxation upon the already impoverished people of this Island.

    The leading features of the contemplated Federation as shadowed forth by some of the Canadian journals in the confidence of the Canadian Ministry, are, that each of the Colonies should have a Local Legislature and Executive, charged with the control of all local matters; and that in a General Legislature and Executive should be vested the control of affairs common to the whole country. Over each of the Local Governments should preside a Governor, as at present; and the General Government should be subject to a Viceroy or Governor General. In the administration of their affairs, the Confederated Colonies would have no connection with the Mother Country, except in matters of legislation immediately concerning Imperial interests. Doubtless, if the Union be consummated at all, it will be something after this form. The minor details, such as the mode of electing members to serve in the different Local Legislatures and in the General Legislature, the matter of appointing the Local Governors and the Governor General, are matters which, of course, the public will not be permitted to know until the secret conference shall have closed its deliberations. Thus, it will be seen, that if this form of Union be carried out, the people of this Colony, besides having to support a Local Legislature and all the paraphernalia of a Local Government, as they do under the present state of things, will have to pay their own Governor and contribute their proportion towards the support of the General Government, the salary of the Governor General and a foreign diplomacy. All the revenue which is now annually collected would be placed at the disposal of the General Government. In order to show our readers what portion of the general revenue this island would receive, we shall quote from the Courrier du Canada of the 30th ultimo -- a Quebec paper which generally expresses the real sentiments of the Canadian Ministry. After observing upon some of the duties which would devolve upon the Local Legislature, the writer remarks; "In order to prevent the difficulties which would arise from the absence of local revenues to meet the expenditure which would be necessary in each Colony for the administration of its internal affairs, a part of the public revenue might be distributed to each Colony for this purpose, in proportion to its population."

    From this it can readily be seen what share of the general revenue this island, with a population of about 80,000, would receive from the Federal Government, which would represent a population of nearly 4,000,000. Besides, if the Confederation would assume a defensive position -- and with a Government independent of the Mother County, it certainly should do so -- it will require to support a standing army and a navy. Over the army and navy, the General Government would of course, have sole-control, and each of the Colonies would have to provide its quota of men and ships. The least that could be expected of P. E. Island would be one ship of war and one regiment of soldiers, and probably much more would be required. -- To give our readers an idea of what the probable expense would be, we shall premise a few general observations. To build the smallest ship in the British navy cost the Imperial Government about £50,000 sterling, without guns or ammunitions of war, and when we add to this sum the pay of the officers and then add the cost of a complete naval [...], the expense of building, fitting out and supporting for [...] ship fit to cope with any of the ships now build in the States, could not be less than £100,000 sterling, and would probably be a great deal more that this sum. With reference to the army, the expense would be proportionably large. In densely populated countries, such as England, and most of the countries on the continent of Europe, where the rates of laborers' wages are low, persons enter the army and navy because of the comparatively high wages they receive in these services; but in the American Colonies, where labor always commands a high price, men could not be induced to enter the naval or the military service for less than three times the amount paid for a similar purpose in England. At the rate of three shillings per day, a regiment of soldiers would receive £54,750 sterling for a year; add to this-say £40,000 sterling -- for their military outfit, barracks, and "creature comforts," and we have £94,750 sterling as the cost of one regiment for the first year. It can be gleaned from this rough estimate -- and we are rather below than above the real cost -- that one ship of war and one regiment of soldiers would cost £194,740 sterling, for the first year, a sum equal to the annual revenue of this Colony for about four years. Of course, the expense would not be so much each succeeding year; but on an average, the expense of supporting one ship and one regiment of soldiers would not be less than £150,000 P. E. Island currency per annum.

    We would advise the advocates for Union, before they proceed much farther with the scheme, to ask the poor tenantry of this Island whether they desire to enjoy the honor of equipping a ship of war and a regiment of soldiers at an expense of £292,125 currency for the first year, and £150,000 per annum "for ever afterwards." But say the sticklers for Union, "The Mother Country will not protect these Colonies much longer, and, therefore, it is necessary that we should be prepared to defend ourselves." Well, we say -- and we think the tenantry of this Island will say, too -- if the Mother Country will not defend the lands of the Proprietors in this Island against any marauding foe that may come along, let the Yankees take possession of them by all means: it is only what they could do against all the naval and military force the contemplated Confederation could support; we will certainly be no worse off then than we are now, and not half so badly off as we will be if this Island be united with her sister Colonies. We cannot help remarking that some of our Legislators are yearning a little too much for the blissful Colonial Union, which they fancy they see looming in the distance, but their constituents may be tempted to say to them by and bye as Lucretius said of the Roman law makers of his time: o miseras hominum mentes, o pectora caeca! -- and send them about their business.

    We shall, at all events, keep our readers posted up with regard to the sayings and doings of the Delegates so far as we can acquire any information thereof.

    Source: "The Union scheme," The Herald (Charlottetown), October 12, 1864.
    © Public Domain

  • The bribe' knocked into a cocked hat

    The following article is from: The Herald (Charlottetown) Wednesday, November 14, 1866

    "The Bribe" Knocked into a Cocked Hat: A Regular Break-down!
    The Quebec Scheme Unalterable!!

    The Islander and the Royal Gazette of last week at length contain the bogus proposition of the delegates, together with the dispatches and correspondence thereon; and the upshot of the matter is that the Canadians repudiate the proposition. The Colonial Secretary, in transmitting the offer to Viscount Monck, concludes his dispatch in the following cautious, non-commital [sic] style:

    "I have taken this course in order to give effect to the wishes of the Delegates now in England; but it must be understood that I do so without expressing any opinion of my own on the subject, as this would be premature at the present stage of the question."

    The Colonial Secretary cannot fail to meet the warm approbation of the people of the Maritime Provinces by his judicious and statesmanlike dealing with the question of Confederation. The contrast between him and his bungling predecessor is as great as is the estimate in which both are held in the Provinces. As much curiosity doubtlessly exists to know the real nature of the offer of the Maritime Province Delegates, we give it in full: --


    At a meeting of the Delegates from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, held at the Alexandra Hotel, London, on the 22nd day of September 1866, all being present except the Hon. Mr. Wilmot, it was unanimously resolved that inasmuch as the co-operation of Prince Edward Island, though not indispensable to a union of the other British North American Provinces, is, on many accounts, very desirable; and as the settlement of the land question, which has so long and so injuriously agitated that colony, would be attended with great benefit, and at the same time place the local Government of the Island, by the possession of the proprietary lands, now on a footing with the other Provinces, which have crown lands and minerals as a source of local revenue.

    Therefore Resolved--
    That, in case the Legislature of the Island should authorize the appointment of Delegates to act in conjunction with those from the other Provinces, in arranging a plan of co-operation, prior to the meeting of the Imperial Parliament, the delegates from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick are hereby pledged to support the policy of providing such an amount as may be necessary for the purchase of the proprietary rights, but not to exceed $800,000.

    (Signed) Charles Tupper
    S.L. Tilley.

    The Canadian government, after discussing the proposition, state that they "do not consider that they have any power or right to consent to the payment of that, or any sum, without the previous consent of the Canadian Parliament, and they, therefore, cannot confer upon their delegates power which they do not themselves possess." Individually, however, they are prepared to make "a strong representation to the first Government and Parliament of the United Provinces, in favor of their granting the compensation agreed upon" by the Delegates. This conclusion proves what we asserted all along, that the Quebec scheme is unalterable. We are glad that the Canadians have squarely met the proposition by a direct refusal, for Her Majesty's Government will now plainly see that Prince Edward Island has good reason for declining to enter the Confederacy. When her reasonable demands are met with denial previous to union, her chances of obtaining justice afterwards are slim indeed. The Canadian Government, more, we fancy, for the purpose of humbugging than for remedying the evil, admit that a grant of $800,000 over and above what is allowed by the Quebec scheme, is nothing but just and fair to this Colony, from its insular position and land difficulty. We have no hesitation in expressing our belief that if the offer were assented to by Canada and the money tendered to this Island as the price of its adhesion to Confederation, a majority might be found to accept it; and should Her Majesty's Government be anxious for all those Provinces to form themselves into a Confederacy, we have no doubt the $800,000, and even a larger sum, will yet be offered to smooth the difficulties in the way of an harmonious union. We have no fear that the expectation of the Canadian Government, as shadowed forth by one of its organs -- the Leader -- from which we quoted last week, when it says that, without the $800,000, Prince Edward Island will soon be drawn unto the Union, "in spite of herself," will ever be realized. The political axiom which the Leader seeks to establish from physical science is rather a dangerous experiment; for if it be true that the attraction of the greater body is more than a match for the power of resistance of the smaller body, then we must admit that annexation is inevitable. "It is a queer rule that won't work both ways."

    It is amusing to observe the effect which the dissent of Canada has upon the editor of the Islander. His lower jaw hangs down at once, and in the most savage mood he snaps and bites in all directions. No wonder; for he has worked himself out of office -- he has played his last trump and lost; but if he imagines he is going to improve his condition by slanderous and ill-natured remarks, he is very much mistaken. He asserts that the recent offer could not bribe this Island. Let him be consoled; for we again repeat our belief that if Her Majesty's Government desires this Colony to unite with her sister Provinces, and, as a compensation for her exceptional position, guarantees good terms, the proposition will be received by a majority of its inhabitants. After indulging in some gloomy apprehensions that no delegation will be sent down from this Colony to the London Conference, and treating us to a homily upon loyalty, the editor of the Islander, somewhat after the fashion of "Lord Lovell," gives three kicks, a groan, then blows his nose, and gives up the ghost in the following manner:

    "We feel that we have discharged our duty to the people -- that we have fairly placed the subject before them, and we shall henceforth refrain from the advocacy of a measure which, notwithstanding its importance, is regarded by the mass of the people as one which render them and their children slaves to Canada."

    This confession and resolution of amendment is like that of a culprit detected in the act of perpetrating some crime and, if allowed to escape, immediately pursues his former evil courses. All the Confederates, now that their schemes are detected, and that a general election is at hand, are prepared to pledge themselves to abandon their pet measure; but how long does the simple leader imagine are they going to adhere to such pledges? Just until after they secure their election; and it therefore behooves the people to select wisely those whom they shall return to Parliament as their representatives. The necessity is greater now than at any time formerly to elect men who are honestly opposed to Confederation, for we believe that, if Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick choose to unite, the Confederate Government will be so mean as to attempt, by annoying and hostile legislation, to coerce this Colony into Confederation; and, therefore, those who will be at the head of affairs require to be men who will thwart such legislation, instead of coinciding in it as was done by the existing Government in the case of surrendering the fisheries, and taxing American flour. Whatever turn the political wheel may take, we trust Messrs. Palmer, Coles, and those other tried men who have stood by their country in time of trial and danger, will not be overlooked or forgotten. They deserve well of their country, and their country should not be slow to recognize their services.

    Source: "The bribe' knocked into a cocked hat," The Herald (Charlottetown), November 14, 1866.
    © Public Domain

  • The Latest Terms

    The following article is from: The Patriot (Prince Edward Island) May 22, 1873

    The Delegates to Ottawa returned home on Tuesday night. The supporters of the government in the city made an effort to get up an excitement on the occasion. The boys had a torchlight procession, and a small bonfire blazed on the square; but there was not much enthusiasm among the citizens generally. A goodly number collected around the fire, near the entrance of the Colonial Building; and at the windows of the Legislative Council and Assembly Chambers as well as on the balcony in front of the Library, not a few ladies were among the spectators. After the Delegates returned from Government House, whither they had driven on coming from the boat, they addressed the crowd from the balcony. As the hour was late, being then between 12 and 1 o'clock, their speeches were brief. Hon. J.C. Pope first spoke, and gave a synopsis of the new Terms. Hon. Mr. Howlan followed and did a little boasting, together with casting reflections on the former Delegates for not asking enough; and Hon. Mr. Haviland concluded the programme by indulging, for a few minutes, in the glory argument.

    The reception was a party affair entirely, and was, we think, not in very good taste. At a time when it is highly desirable that the great question of Confederation should be carried by as large a majority as possible, and with the assent of both parties, it was not prudent to embitter party feeling by a celebration of the kind. The former Delegates accomplished more than did Messrs. Pope, Howlan and Brecken, but on their return they discountenanced aught that would excite party feeling. From a real opposition stand point, we can afford to laugh at the demonstration of Tuesday night, for experience has taught us that such displays are always followed by a reaction which injures the cause they are intended to promote. But those trifles aside, we are glad, for the sake of the future, peace and contentment of the Colony, that every expedient has been exhausted to secure the best Terms of Union for the Island. We only know of one other recourse that can be had, namely, to send the no-terms members, Messrs. Howatt and Holland, on another delegation. As, however, it would be against the principles of no-terms men to seek for even better terms, we suppose that, for the present, nothing more can be obtained. But so far as the Dominion Ministers are concerned, we may remark, that, judging, from their recent change of base, it would not be hopeless to ask them for further concessions, after another few months. But as the Island cannot well afford delay, we have no doubt the Union will be consummated as speedily as possible. After Confederation, should the Terms not work as favorably as most people expect, a readjustment is not impossible. All or almost all the Provinces have already had some change in the financial arrangement first agreed upon, and this Colony, if need be, will not surely prove the only exception.

    But as to the Terms obtained by the last delegation, we do not think they will turn out to be quite so good as was first reported. If we understood Mr. Pope, on Tuesday night, they will come short of an additional $33,000. It seems Messrs. Pope, Haviland and Howlan have procured an increase of $5 per head to the debt with which the Island is permitted to enter the Union. This, for a population of 94,021, will give a capital sum of $470,105, the interest of which, at 5 per cent, will be $23,505. Besides this, we understood Mr. Pope to say that they had prevailed upon the Dominion Government to pay the subsidy to the Telegraph Company, of $2,000 a year. These two sums added will make $25,505. He also spoke about being promised grants for river steam communication, and for certain harbor improvements; but he did not state, as we heard him, that these promises are a part of the written Terms to be submitted to Parliament. Messrs. Haythorne and Laird had a number of such promises also, but so far as they were stated to the public but little account was made of them by the Pope party. All the substantial increase that we can see is the $25,505 a year. This, however is a respectable sum, provided it be not accompanied with some condition that neutralizes its advantages. And though we are surprised at the concession, after the declarations of the Dominion Ministers in March last, we are glad it has been gained for the Colony. It will be found useful, and so would four times as much.

    Now, we have a word to say in regard for Mr. Howlan's statement that the late Government Delegates received all they asked. On Tuesday night he endeavored to convey the impression that Messrs. Hawthorne and Laird had damaged the case of the Island by not asking enough. It is quite a mistake to say that they did not ask for more than they received. The full Minute of Council, on the table of the House shows the Terms which the late Government asked, and for all in that Minute their Delegates strongly pressed. The Minute of Council, of the 2d January last, concludes thus: --

    On this understanding, the Committee of Council desire to ascertain from the General Government of the Dominion whether they would concede to Prince Edward Island, the following terms of Confederation IN ADDITION to the proposals contained in what is popularly known as the Better Terms offered in 1869.

    First. An annual allowance of $5000 in addition to the subsidy proposed to be granted by the better terms for the expenses of the Local Government and Legislature.

    Second. The Dominion to take the Prince Edward Island Railway, and assume its debt not exceeding $3,250,000.

    Third. Take the new Law Courts and Post Office Building at cost, say $69,000.

    Fourth. Take the new Steam Dredge Boat under contract to be completed in the spring, at cost say $22,000.

    Fifth. Allow the Prince Edward Island Local Government to retain any sum which may be awarded by the Fishery Commission under the Washington Treaty, as an equivalent for surrendering the Fisheries of the Colony.

    The caps in the above extract are ours. They show that the terms asked for by the late Government were "in addition" to the terms of 1869. Let us see then how the case will stand: --

    Debt Allowance asked by the late Government.
    Per terms of 1869.

    • Population 1861 - 80,857 at $27.77 per head:
      $2,245,398 89

    • Per 2d item Minute of Council - Railway Debt:
      3,250,000 00

    • Divided by pop. 1871 - 94,021:

    • Amount asked for by Haythorne & Laird, per head, pop.:

    Now, as the Terms obtained by the former Delegates only conceded the Island permission to enter the Union with a debt of $45 per head they received $13.44 per head less than they asked. This would represent a capital sum of $1,264,453, the interest of which at 5 per cent would be $63,222. Messrs. Haythorne and Laird however, obtained a compromise on land, amounting to the interest on $100,000, namely, $5000 a year, which, deducted from the $63,222, makes it clear that the former Delegates asked for $58,000 a year more than they obtained, and, some $30,000 a year more than Messrs. Pope, Haviland and Howlan have been able to procure.

    Source: "The latest terms," The Patriot (Prince Edward Island), May 22, 1873.
    © Public Domain

  • Dominion Day

    The following article is from: The Patriot (Prince Edward Island) July 3, 1873

    On Tuesday, whether for weal or woe, Prince Edward Island became a province of the Dominion of Canada. At 12 o'clock noon, the Dominion flag was run up on the flag staffs at Government House and the Colonial Building, and a salute of 21 guns was fired from St. George's battery and from H.M.S. Spartan now in port. The Church and City bells also rang out a lively peal, and the Volunteers under review at the City Park, fired a feu de joie. So far as powder and metal could do it there was for a short time a terrible din. But among the people who thronged the streets there was no enthusiasm. A few moments before 12, Mr. Sheriff Watson stepped forward on the balcony of the Colonial Building and read the Union Proclamation. He was accompanied by two ladies and about half a dozen gentlemen. The audience below within hearing consisted of three persons, and even they did not appear to be very attentive. After the reading of the Proclamation was concluded, the gentlemen on the balcony gave a cheer, but the three persons below, -- who, like Tooley street tailors who claimed to be "the people of England," at that moment represented the people of Prince Edward Island, -- responded never a word. Most of the shops in the city were shut, and a good deal of bunting was displayed. H.M.S. Spartan, and some of the merchant shipping in the harbor, were gaily decked with flags. At night the Colonial and new Post Office Buildings were illuminated, and presented a fine appearance. A few sky rockets were also fired off from the top of the latter building about 10 o'clock, with good effect. But the most beautiful sight of the day was the illumination of the Spartan, between 91/2 and 10 o'clock. With her ports all lit up, and various kinds of lights in the rigging, she was really an object worth looking at. Not having the faculty of being at two places at the same time, we did not see the grand Volunteer Review at noon, but we understand it was one of the best which has been held for some time. The Volunteers, after they became Dominion forces, and the review over, were treated to refreshments at the Drill Shed.

    About 121/2 p.m., His Honor Lieut. Governor Robinson and staff drove up to the Colonial Building, and proceeded up to the Legislative Council Chamber. There the Colonial Secretary read the commission from the Governor General of Canada, appointing William C.F. Robinson, Esq., Governor of this Island under the Dominion, and also another instrument authorizing Chief Justice Hodgson, and Judges Peters and Hensley to administer to him the oaths of office. This being done with due solemnity, in the presence of the members of the Executive Council, and a very respectable assemblage of citizens, strangers then withdrew, and the members of the Executive Council were sworn in as a Local Government under the Dominion of Canada.

    We have already remarked that there did not appear to be any enthusiasm among the people. Probably no effort the Government could have put forth would have made the celebration of Dominion Day a grand success, but we beg to leave to express the opinion the arrangements were very lame indeed. The public were not notified that the Sheriff was to read the union Proclamation in front of the Building at 12 o'clock, consequently no person was there except two or three people who happened to be passing by at the time. Had one of the "able men" been called upon to prepare an oration for the occasion, and due notice thereof given there might have been a crowd on Queen Square to listen to both it and the proclamation. The Volunteers, too, might have been drawn up on the Square until the ceremony was over; but as the review was at one place, and a dry proclamation, which nobody knew of, at another, it was not as much to be wondered at that Mr. Sheriff Watson's audience was slim.

    The great majority of the people of the Island, it is pretty evident, have accepted Confederation as a necessity. They did not take up the question con amore, and when the day arrived that the union was a fait accompli, they had not a cheer to give. Many of our citizens look upon last night's illumination as but the complement of the one which took place when the Railway Bill was passed. We have a shrewd suspicion that their view of the case is tolerably correct; but now since Confederation is a fact -- since the Island is now part and parcel of the Dominion, the duty of our people is to make the best of their position. We are now with the Sister Provinces in regard to political institutions; let us perform our part so that we may do more than merely keep pace with them in the march of intelligence and reform.

    Source: "Dominion Day," The Patriot (Prince Edward Island), July 3, 1873.
    © Public Domain

  • The new political situation

    The following article is from: The Patriot (Prince Edward Island) July 3, 1873

    After a political existence of about a century's duration as a separate dependency of the British Empire, the future destiny of the people of this Island is now linked with that of the Confederate Provinces of British America. The first day of July, 1873, marks an important epoch in our history, for on that day we cast aside the old Colonial garment, and yielded a prompt and ready obedience to the order in Council founded on the joint addresses from the Canadian and Local Parliaments to Her Majesty, praying that Prince Edward Island be admitted into the Dominion of Canada on the terms and conditions therein set forth. These terms have been so thoroughly discussed, both in the Legislature and press of the Colony since the return of the last and previous delegations to Ottawa, that we do not consider it necessary just now to trouble our readers with any comments respecting them, further than to say that we believe they are admitted on all sides to be liberal to the people of this Colony; and since both the Confederates, and the anti-Confederates have had an opportunity of trying their hands at diplomatic negations before the Privy Council of the Dominion, and neither have been turned empty away, we presume that the people of the Colony are now satisfied that no further concessions in our favor on the part of the Dominion Government be expected. At this particular stage in our development as a people, it may be instructive to take a brief retrospect of the past, and note the various important events that have marked our public progress from infancy to old age. In doing so we find that in common with Cape Breton, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and a portion of the state of Maine, our Island was baptized and known for a long period under the name of Acadia.

    By the treaty of St. Germain, in 1632, England ceded Acadia to France. That nation divided it into three parts, and placed a Governor over each. For more than a century after that period, the fortunes of Acadia were various, passing from the French to the English, and vice versa, as either country gained ascendancy in the wars. At length, in 1758, being in the hands of the English, a representative assembly was granted by George III, to Nova Scotia, and this assembly seems to have exercised jurisdiction over the whole of the old Acadia. In 1761, a treaty of peace was concluded by the Province with the Indians. A 'great talk' was held, at which both the Legislative bodies and certian [sic] officers were present, the hatchet was buried, and instead of Louis of France, George III was owned as the great father of his tribe. In 1770, Prince Edward Island obtained a separate Government, and fourteen years later, in 1781, New Brunswick and Cape Breton obtained separate Governments also. At this time Nova Scotia proper contained a population of about 30,000 souls. Our first Legislative Assembly, of eighteen members, under Governor Patterson, met in 1773, and our public records date about as far back as 1775. The Island was then known as the Island of Saint John. The Legislative and Executive Councils were one body appointed by the Imperial Government. The population in 1797 was 4500 souls. At the beginning of the present century, the name of the Island was changed from that of Saint John to Prince Edward Island, in honor of the Duke of Kent. At the time the population had increased to 5,000 souls, including Charlottetown, which numbered about 250. In 1803, 800 emigrants arrived from Scotland and laid the foundation of several of our most prosperous and flourishing settlements. In 1839, the Executive and Legislative Councils were separated, and in 1851 Responsible Government was granted to the Island. The events which transpired between that period and the present time, and which culminated in last Tuesday's demonstration, it is not necessary to chronicle minutely; they are fresh in the memory of many of our readers. The various battles in which our politicians have distinguished themselves on the Land, the Union, and the Railway Questions, will, a few years hence, be regarded with as little interest by the people of this Island as the ancient wars of the Roses now are by the people of England. We have entered on a new phase in our political career. The attention of our people will be directed to matters of national as well as local concern, and the men amongst us who obtain seats in the Ottawa Legislature, while giving due prominence and attention to the claims of party, cannot, after the struggle of the coming election, which will to all appearance be fought on the old issues, he expected to engage as keenly as heretofore in local disputes.

    In the Dominion two great burdens will be lifted from our shoulders. The leasehold system of land tenure, which operated as a drag on our prosperity since the first British emigrant landed on our shores, and which the Royal Land Commissioners in their Report aptly designated as the "poisoned garment" that stunted our growth, and doomed us to a feeble and sickly existence -- will, we trust be for ever abolished. The Railway debt, incurred either by recklessness or design on the part of the promoters of that enterprise, will no longer give us any uneasiness, being provided for out of the General Revenue of the Dominion. In addition to these we may class the advantages of free trade with a country whose resources are of almost boundless extent and variety, and are being developed and turned to account by an energetic and enterprising race of men who are our kindred by blood, and by every tie that binds together a nation.

    Source: "The new political situation," The Patriot (Prince Edward Island), July 3, 1873.
    © Public Domain


  • The latest from Quebec

    The following article is from: Montreal Gazette Tuesday morning, October 20, 1864

    The following is a special telegram from the Editorial Correspondent of the Montreal Gazette, at Quebec, dated yesterday evening: --

    "The discussion on the representation of the Upper House has continued, and though not settled, there is yet a fair prospect of agreement. The Conference may last to the middle of next week. The Newfoundland delegates will not leave till the close. The Lt. Governor of Nova Scotia left yesterday."

    Outrage at St. Albans

    The following is a telegraphic despatch received yesterday afternoon by the Vermont and Boston Line: --

    St. Albans, Vt., 19th. -- A party of 20 rebel raiders entered this place this p.m. shooting and killing the citizens. They robbed all the banks, stole 15 or 20 horses, killed 4 or 5 and wounded several. They have left town but are expected back soon with a large force. If there is no error or exaggeration in this statement, a gross outrage has been committed, in a peaceful and thriving village, situated on the Vermont Central Railway, a short distance from Rouses Point, and not far from the borders of Canada. It is not stated that the "raiders" took their departure from Canada, or whether they had gathered and concealed themselves near the village in which they committed their outrage. But there is enough to call for vigilance on the part of the Canadian Government. Probably many of our readers saw in the midnight despatches in our last impression that a Richmond paper (the Whig) threatened reprisal for the horrible destruction which has taken place in the Shenandoa Valley, by burning Northern towns; and that Canada was to be made one of the places of rendezvous. It is the first duty of the Government and the people of Canada to see that the right of asylum which their soil affords is not thus betrayed and violated. The Government must spare no pains to prevent it; and it is the first duty of the inhabitants of this country, especially those who live on the borders, to give instant information of any attempt they may see to the nearest magistrate, and the duty of the magistrate immediately to inform the Government. We must, we repeat, preserve our neutrality, and their right of asylum which British soil affords inviolate, and punish with the sternest severity any breach which can be discovered. If we do not we shall find ourselves dragged into the war for needless cause; our eastern frontier lit up with the fires of now peaceful homes, and the country on both sides of the line made red with murders. We cannot say that the Confederate Government has in any way sanctioned the outrages reported to have taken place at St. Albans; nor can we say that they have been committed by Confederates. But what we can say is, that this country has done nothing to merit the abuse of its soil by Confederate authority, contemplated in the article of the Richmond Whig. To surprise a peaceful town and shoot down people in the streets, committing at the same time robbery, is not civilized war; it is that of savages. The same may be said of laying waste a country which cannot be held by a regular army; but one will not justify the other in the eyes of the civilized world. Civilized war consists in killing, or attempting to kill, men with arms in hand; any other kind is simply murder, calling for the universal execration of mankind.

    --After writing the above we heard the telegraph wires had been cut; so the midnight report (we write these lines in the evening) may not bring us any further particulars. According to one account, which has reached us by a passenger from Rouses Point, the affair is rather a Bank robbery than a Confederate raid, by persons who had concealed themselves in the vicinity, one of the Banks in St. Albans being erroneously supposed to have a great deal of gold in deposit. And banks in villages may not be fenced around by all the modern safeguards. Our informant further states that when the news came the boat left Rouses Point rather suddenly with the intention of not calling at Burlington. From another informant we learn that a private telegram was received in this city at half-past eight o'clock, stating that persons had been seen hanging about for some days before in the village of St. Albans.

    Source: "The latest from Quebec," Montreal Gazette, October 20, 1864.
    © Public Domain

  • L'ère de la Confédération (French Only)

    The following article is from: La Gazette de Joliette July 1, 1867, p. 2

    Une nouvelle ère commence aujourd'hui pour nous ; un nouveau régime politique remplace pour nous, habitants du Canada, celui qui nous régissait depuis vingt six [sic] ans. En ce jour, par la force de la loi, quatre millions d'hommes disséminés sur une immense étendue de territoire, sont réunis sous un même drapeau, le drapeau de la Confédération du Canada. Donc en ce jour, quatre millions d'âmes doivent commencer à favoriser le progrès matériel et intellectuel de cette nouvelle puissance, et nous aimons à le croire. On va mettre de cÔté les petites misères de parti, les chicanes domestiques qui nous divisaient depuis bien longtemps pour travailler en commun au bien être [sic] du peuple.

    Cette époque est, sans contredit, l'une des plus célèbres de notre histoire, et grâce à la sagesse des chefs politiques ces changements constitutionnels se sont accomplis sans trouble et sans aucune effusion de sang. L'histoire redira avec orgueil cette phrase de notre vie comme peuple, et ceux qui seront ainsi entrés dans l'union spontanément mériteront les louanges de la prospérité.

    Source: "L'ère de la Confédération," La Gazette de Joliette, July 1, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • L'ère de la Confédération : proclamation (French Only)

    The following article is from: La Gazette de Joliette July 1, 1867, p. 2

    A midi, la Proclamation de la Reine, pour réunir les Provinces du Canada, Nouvelle-Ecosse et Nouveau-Brunswick dans une même souveraineté sous le nom de Canada, a été affichée à la porte de l'Hôtel de ville, par son Honneur le Maire de Joliette. Il a été aussi ordonné de tirer 21 coups de canon de l'avènement de la Confédération.

    Source: "L'ère de la Confédération : proclamation," La Gazette de Joliette, July 1, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Untitled poem

    The following article is from: Montreal Gazette July 1, 1867

    Canada, Canada, land of the maple,
    Queen of the forest and river and lake,
    Open thy soul to the voice of thy people,
    Close not thy heart to the music they make,
    Bells, chime out merrily,
    Trumpets, call cheerily,
    Silence is vocal, and sleep is awake!

    Canada, Canada, land of the beaver,
    Labour and skill have their triumph to-day;
    Oh! may the joy of it flow like a river,
    Wider and deeper as time flics away.
    Bells, chime out merrily,
    Trumpets, call cheerily,
    Science and Industry laugh and are gay!

    Canada, Canada, land of the snow-bird
    Emblem of constancy change cannot kill,
    Faith, that no strange cup has ever unsobered,
    Drinketh, to-day, from Love's chalice her fill.
    Bells, chime out merrily,
    Trumpets, call cheerily,
    Loyalty singeth and treason is still!

    Canada, Canada, land of the bravest,
    Sons of the war-path and sons of the sea,
    Land of no slave-lash, to-day though enslavest,
    Millions of hearts with affection for thee,
    Bells, chime out merrily,
    Trumpets, call cheerily.
    Let the sky ring with the shout of the free!

    Source: [Untitled poem], Montreal Gazette, July 1, 1867.
    © Public Domain

  • Sans titre (French Only)

    The following article is from: Le Canada July 2, 1867, p. 2

    La Confédération a été inaugurée hier dans toute l'étendue de la Souveraineté du Canada par des réjouissances magnifiques.

    Notre bonne ville de Québec, redevenue encore une fois capitale, a voulu aussi chômer l'ère nouvelle. Les affaires sont restées suspendues ; des pavillons, des drapeaux flottaient sur presque toutes [sic] les édifices publics.

    A onze heures, les régiments de la garnison et les différents corps des volontaires se formèrent en carré sur l'Esplanade, tandis qu'une foule compacte se pressait aux alentours. Son Honneur le Maire fit la lecture de la proclamation, et aussitôt trois hourrahs enthousiastes poussés par les troupes et les spectateurs, saluèrent le nouvel ordre des choses. Cette réunion, ces acclamations, nous rappellent les immenses assemblées des Francs, les fêtes des champs de mai de la vieille monarchie française.

    La proclamation fut aussi lue à Saint-Roch, au faubourg Saint-Jean et le plus grand enthousiasme a éclaté dans ces faubourgs.

    Pendant le reste de la journée, la ville semblait presque déserte ; la température était accablante et chacun cherchait l'ombre et la fraîcheur de la campagne pour fuir le double fléau des villes, la chaleur et la poussière. On avait organisé de toutes parts de nombreuses parties de plaisir, et l'Ile d'Orléans, Lorette, le Sault Montmorency, etc., reçurent chacun leur contingent de citadins, fiers et heureux de fêter la Confédération à la campagne.

    Le soir, il y eut illumination dans une bonne partie de notre ville, l'Evêché, le Séminaire, l'Université et les mains d'un très grand nombre de citoyens montraient des croisées brillantes de lumières. Un immense transparent placé sur le haut de l'Université laissait voir en lettre [sic] de feu le nom de Laval et plusieurs devises.

    Le bureau du Mercury était bien décoré, un tableau emblématique attirait les regards de la foule. Quatre femmes personnifiaient les provinces confédérées, tandis que dans le fond scène on apercevait au milieu de l'Océan un dauphin monté par un insulaire de l'île du Prince-Edouard, plus loin un caniche mal peigné rappelait les récalcitrants de Terreneuve.

    Les résidences de sir N. F. Belleau et de l'hon. M. Langevin, maître-général des Postes, étaient illuminées d'une manière splendide.

    M. Holiwell, en face du bureau de poste, avait disposé dans ses croisées plusieurs jolis transparents et des devises telles que : Succès à la Confédération, l'Union fait la force.

    La rue Saint-Jean était illuminée dans toute son étendue, partout on lisait des inscriptions anglaises et françaises, Vive la Confédération, Success to the New Dominion, United we stand, Divided we fall.

    Les vaisseaux dans le port étaient illuminés et pavoisés ; cette multitude de lumières répétées dans les eaux du fleuve produisait un effet enchanteur. Les marins lancèrent nombre de fusées, des chandelles romaines, etc.

    Nos voisins de l'autre côté du fleuve avaient rivalisé de zèle pour célébrer la Confédération, et ils sont arrivés à un résultat en tout digne de la florissante ville de Lévis. Vue de Québec l'illumination avait un aspect magnifique.

    Dans le lointain, on apercevait sur les rives de l'Ile d'Orléans des feux de joie, et des pièces d'artifices partaient du campement militaire.

    Source: [Sans titre], Le Canada, July 2, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Le 1er juillet (French Only)

    The following article is from: Le Courrier du Canada July 3, 1867, p. 2

    Lundi, Québec a célébré, sinon avec pompe du moins avec enthousiasme, l'inauguration de la nouvelle constitution. Dès le matin, les rues étaient sillonnées par des milliers de curieux ; en certains endroits des drapeaux flottaient gaîment au vent. Partout les affaires étaient suspendues, les magasins fermés.

    A dix heures et demie, les troupes de la garnison et les corps de milices débouchèrent musique en tête sur l'Esplanade.

    A onze heures, Son Honneur le Maire de Québec, revêtu de son costume officiel, arriva sur l'Esplanade escorté par un escadron de la cavalerie volontaire et donna lecture de la proclamation royale décrétant l'avènement de l'Union fédérale des Provinces.

    Après la lecture de la proclamation un salut royal fut tiré de la citadelle et les troupes qui s'étaient formées en carré se déployèrent et furent passées en revue par le commandant de la garnison. A midi, les troupes régulières et les corps de volontaires s'alignèrent le long des terrassements de l'Esplanade et firent successivement trois décharges de mousqueterie auxquelles répondirent la batterie de campagne stationnée sur la terrasse du château St. Louis, les canons de la citadelle et les canons des trois navire [sic] de guerres [sic] ancrés dans le port. Dans l'intervalle qui séparait chaque décharge, les deux bandes de musique des troupes régulière [sic] et la bande du 9ème bataillon jouaient simultanément le God save the Queen.

    La revue se termina par trois formidables vivats poussés par les troupes et répétés par les spectateurs.

    Le soir, tout Québec était sur la terrasse du château St. Louis, dans le jardin du fort et sur les glacis pour assister au feu d'artifice qui devait être tiré des navires de guerre. A neuf heures et demi, l'Aurora, le Cordelia et le Cadmus s'illuminaient simultanément. Le feu d'artifice, sans être aussi brillant qu'il aurait dû l'être, réussit bien. A dix heures, le port présentait, du haut de la terrasse, le spectacle le plus beau qu'il soit donné de voir : dans le port, des fusées aux couleurs brillantes se croisant dans tous les sens ; les navires de guerre paraissant vomir le feu par leurs sabords; Lévis tout illuminé présentant l'aspect d'un foyer ardent.

    Le spectacle n'a pas dû être moins beau pour les habitants de Lévis, car un grand nombre de maisons privées et plusieurs édifices publics de Québec étaient brillamment illuminés. Nous avons remarqué entre autres : l'Université Laval, l'Archevêché, le Séminaire de Québec, l'Ecole Normale, l'Hôtel St. Louis, l'hôtel Russell, l'hôtel Dexter, ect., ect.

    A dix heures et demie l'illumination était terminée et la foule immense, qui avait envahi tous les points élevés ayant vue sur le port, s'écoulait paisiblement dans les rues.

    Les démonstrations ont été favorisées toute la journée par un temps splendide.

    A Montréal, à Trois-Rivières et à St. Hyacinthe, le 1er juillet a été fêté avec un entrain qui témoigne de la foi que les populations ont dans l'avenir de la la [sic] nouvelle constitution.

    Source: "Le 1er juillet" Le Courrier du Canada, July 3, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Dominion Day in Quebec

    Source: "Dominion Day in Quebec," Quebec Gazette, July 3, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

  • Fête de la Confédération (French Only)

    The following article is from: La Gazette de Joliette July 4, 1867, p. 2

    Les journaux de toutes les parties du pays nous apportent des détails sur la fête de 1er juillet. L'on voit que tout le peuple a accepté de bon cœur la nouvelle constitution et qu'il était satisfait du nouveau régime qui vient de commencer.

    Il y a dans le fait de cette réjouissance nationale une réponse énergique aux insinuations de quelques démagogues, qui crient bien haut que les Canadiens-Français étaient opposées [sic] à la Confédération. Si quelques hommes sincères étaient opposés à une notre nouvelle forme de gouvernement, ils ne manqueront pas maintenant de se rallier au grand parti national qui doit se former pour la protection de nos lois, de notre langue et de notre religion.

    A Joliette, il y a eu peu de démonstrations durant le jour. Le soir, il y eut quelques illuminations. Le Palais de Justice présentait un beau coup d'œil. Des flots de lumière jaillissaient de toutes les croisées sur le devant de la Cour du Greffe et des appartements du Gardien de la prison. Nous croyons que l'illumination du Palais de Justice avait été préparée sous l'habile direction de M. le Shérif Leprohon.

    Plusieurs résidences privées étaient aussi illuminées. Nous mentionnerons spécialement celles de MM. B. H. Leprohon, Shérif, G. Beaudoin, régistrateur et L. T. Groulx, Protonotaire. Les lumières avaient été disposées habilement de manière à produire un effet grandiose.

    Source: "Fête de la Confédération," La Gazette de Joliette, July 4, 1867, p. 2.
    © Public Domain

Yukon Territory

  • The Yukon Territory Act

    Source: "An Act to provide for the Government of the Yukon District" (short title: The Yukon Territory Act), Statutes of Canada 1898 (v. I-II), c. 6, p. 55-61
    © Crown
    Reproduced with permission of the Department of Justice

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