At the beginning of the eighteenth century, the French and the English were engaged in a war that did not end until 1712. With the peace outlined in the Treaty of Utrecht, both sides saw a shifting of their possessions and trading rights in North America. One result of this shift was that much territory formerly claimed by the French now came under British control. Another was that the invaluable relationship with the Iroquois, as well as trading rights with other nations west of the French-held territory along the St. Lawrence, would now be open to the British.
Even with the revival of the fur trade shortly after the end of the war (there had been a glut on the European market for beaver fur), exploration in Canada was relatively inactive for the first part of the century. Towards the middle of the century however, the Hudson's Bay Company began to expand their operations further west due to reports of the unprecedented travels of La Vérendrye and others, whose progress threatened to gain them too much ground in the trade.
Peace came to an end in 1743, when France declared war on Britain.
Henry Kelsey: The young adventurer
Henry Kelsey (1667-1724)
Henry Kelsey arrived in Hudson's Bay in 1684. We know little of him except that he was probably the son of the sailor John Kelsey of East Greenwich, where he was born in 1667, and that he entered the Hudson's Bay Company as an apprentice at the age of seventeen and was sent to Fort York. Kelsey quickly became acquainted with the young Native people of the coast, with whom he went from post to post.
Kelsey's first exploration took place in 1689 when he went to the Churchill River to help build a fort. Captain James Young, the leader of the expedition, tried to get further north, but ice blocked his path. Kelsey then offered to go exploring by land with a young Native companion. The two young men got 204 kilometres north in the interior, not far from the coast, but found neither people nor furs.
Because Kelsey had already travelled with Native people, in 1690, the Governor of Fort York picked him to explore the interior of the Prairies from Hudson Bay, wanting to encourage and invite Native peoples to come to the Bay. Kelsey was also to look for mineral deposits and medicinal plants. Because of his skill in establishing friendly relations with the Native people, the Governor also asked him to try to re-establish peace between certain nations whose wars were disrupting trade.
On June 12, 1690, Kelsey left York with a group of Cree, who were returning inland, on a voyage which would prove to be significant. Taking probably the Haye and Foxe rivers to Moose Lake, they found themselves "on ye borders of ye stone Indian [Assiniboine] Country." Kelsey took possession of this area in the name of the Hudson's Bay Company, named it Deerings Point (probably near The Pas, Manitoba), and settled there.
"The Inland Country of Good report hath been
By Indians but by English yet not seen
Therefore I on my Journey did not stay
but making all ye hast I could upon our way
Gott on ye borders of ye stone Indian Country
I took possession on ye tenth Instant July
And for my masters I speaking for ym, all
This neck of land I deerings point did call
Distance from hence by Judgement at ye lest
From ye house six hundred miles southwest
Through Rivers wch run strong with falls
thirty three Carriages five lakes in all …"
The following year, Kelsey and the Cree left camp, ascended the Saskatchewan River, and took the Carrot River, where they abandoned their canoes and continued on foot. After crossing a marshy area that stretched for several kilometres south of the Saskatchewan River, they crossed through a more open area filled with deer, where they met Assiniboine people of Eagle Creek. They carried on to the Red Deer River and its slate mines, ascended this waterway in a south-southwesterly direction and, further on, reached the Great Salt Plain, 68 kilometres wide from east to west. They met other Assiniboine here from Thunder Hill. Kelsey found himself next in an area of high wooded plateaux which appears to have been the area of Touchwood Hills. In August 1691, he saw bison and grizzly bears. He became the first European to describe the flora and fauna of the Canadian West.
On August 25, Kelsey encountered a large number of the Assiniboine Nation (Stone or Mountain peoples). Shortly thereafter, he negotiated with the Naywatame (Gros Venture) to bring peace between them and the Assiniboine, but was unsuccessful. He returned to Deerings Point, and from there to York Factory in the summer of 1692, bringing with him several Native people.
It is hard to evaluate the financial outcome of this voyage since Fort York fell into French hands in 1694 and remained so until 1714. For more than half a century after Kelsey's voyage, only two Hudson's Bay Company employees went into the interior of the country, William Stuart and Richard Norton, and Kelsey's journal of the voyage only became known outside of the Company in 1749 -- in other words, after the voyages of La Vérendrye in the west. In spite of Kelsey's observations, it cannot be said for certain how far he travelled.
The voyage of 1690 to 1692 was Kelsey's last one to the interior but not his last voyage of exploration. After having climbed the hierarchy within the Company by working in Hudson Bay, in 1718 Kelsey was named governor of all the establishments on Hudson's Bay, including Churchill. During the four years that he held this position, he continued to explore the north of Hudson Bay. In July and August 1719, with the coastal ships Prosperous and Success, he reached 62º40' north latitude. He exchanged two Native slaves for two Inuit whom he wanted to use as interpreters. He also bartered whalebone, oil and walrus tusks. The following year, having been apprised of his competitor James Knight's voyage, he sent John Hancock to Churchill and, from there, further north. Hancock returned in September. He confirmed that Knight's men had ruined the trade for them. No one suspected the sad fate of Knight's expedition.
In 1721, Kelsey undertook a new expedition to the north to try to find copper, a metal much discussed at Company posts. He went first to Churchill, and met with Inuit on July 21 and 23 as well as on August 1. These informed him of the loss of Knight's ship, the Albany. Violent winds prevented Kelsey from going any further. The explorer had just completed his last voyage. The following year, as his mandate as governor was finished, he was recalled to England, where he died in November 1724.
Knight, Stuart and Thanadelthur, the Native woman guide
James Knight (c. 1640 - c. 1720)
Thanadelthur (? - 1717)
William Stuart (c. 1678 - 1719)
A remarkable First Nations woman was at the root of explorations by James Knight, whose story brings to light the importance of collaboration by First Nations women in the exploration of North America by Europeans.
Thanadelthur, a Chipewyan, and two other young women were captured by the Cree in a 1713 attack on a band of their nation. Thanadelthur managed to escape with one of her friends but cold and hunger prevented them from reaching their home territory and brought the other young woman's death. Thanadelthur found her way to Fort York on November 24, 1714, thanks to employees of the Hudson's Bay Company, whom she met on the way. She explained to the governor of the fort, James Knight, that the unarmed Chipewyan people could not come to Hudson's Bay for trade because the Cree, who had guns, were waging war against them. She also told Knight of a mine of yellow metal in the northwest, beyond the Churchill River. This information piqued Knight's curiosity. He immediately organized an expedition and assigned William Stuart, a Company employee, to lead it beyond Cree territory, guided by Thanadelthur.
On June 27, 1715, Stuart, Thanadelthur and 150 Cree left Fort York with the various intentions of re-establishing peace between the Cree and the Chipewyan, bringing back some northern Native people to Fort York, announcing the construction of a fort at Churchill River, and looking for minerals. At Governor Knight's express request, Stuart was, above all, to protect the "slave woman". Cold and lack of food soon dispersed the travellers. After having painfully crossed the tundra at the edge of the Boreal forest, they found five Chipewyans, killed by Cree, at the edge of a forest. Stuart and Thanadelthur knew that these murders would compromise the nations' reconciliation and the remaining expedition members were ready to turn back. Thanadelthur persuaded them to wait ten days while she, alone, went to get the Chipewyan. She came back at the last minute and managed to bring peace between the sides through lengthy negotiations.
Stuart returned in May 1716 with Thanadelthur and ten Chipewyans. He was very ill, and since he had produced no journal or map, was unable to say where they had been. He had accomplished part of his mission thanks to the young woman, but the English were disappointed because the copper they saw in the Native people's knives apparently came from a mine further west.
Finding it impossible to return to their own land that same year, the Chipewyan stayed at Fort York. Thanadelthur told Knight of the rich furs and metals of her land. Her verve and determination fuelled Knight's dreams of discoveries and he was much more taken by the girl's stories than by Stuart's, who reported having travelled 1 500 kilometres and reaching 67º N in inhospitable country. Thanadelthur encouraged Knight to plan new expeditions but herself fell ill and died on February 7, 1717.
Knight and Stuart were very much impressed by this amazing woman to whom they owed the peace agreement between the Cree and Chipewyan peoples. Knight said of her: "She was one of a very high Spirit and of the Firmest Resolution that every I see in any Body in my Days and of great Courage."
Convinced of the importance of using women as interpreters for dealing with the Chipewyan, Knight bought another First Nations woman as a slave for 60 pelts in merchandise and sent her to the Chipewyan with Richard Norton in July 1717. Stuart remained on the bay, where he fell into dementia and died two years later, in October 1719. William Stuart's renown stems from his having been the first European to cross the tundra and to visit the areas near Great Slave Lake.
"I am now building of a factory at Churchill River to try whether I can gett this trade after all these Dissapointments, & have now Sent the Surviveing Northern Mann & a Young Woman as I bought Since, wth an English Ladd, to go & Give their Country People Notice as I am here abuilding; ..."
James Knight returned to England in 1718 and convinced the Company of the relevance of a new expedition to the north. On June 4, 1719, he left Gravesend with two ships, the Albanyand the Discovery, to conduct explorations north of 64°, looking for the mythical Strait of Anian, which could lead them to a northwest passage. He also proposed to expand the company's trade, to establish industrial whaling stations and to look for gold and copper mines. Knight never returned from this voyage. In 1721, during an expedition, the explorer Henry Kelsey learned that the Albany had sunk. The following year, a man sent to look for him claimed, on his return, that both ships had sunk and that all the men had been killed by the Inuit.
During an exploration in 1769, Samuel Hearne found the wrecks of the two ships and the ruins of a shelter in a cove on Marble Island. The Inuit informed him, contrary to the earlier account, that some 50 men had built a house in late fall of 1719 after their ships had sunk. The following spring, their numbers had been greatly reduced and, after the second winter, they were but 20. Five of them managed to survive another winter but they were all dead by the summer of 1721. Knight's expedition put an end to the search for a passage by sea to Asia through Hudson's Bay.
The La Vérendrye: Family of explorers
Pierre Gaultier de Varennes et de La Vérendrye (1685 - 1749)
Jean-Baptiste de La Vérendrye (1713 - 1736)
Pierre de La Vérendrye (1714 - 1755)
François de La Vérendrye (1715 - 1794)
Louis-Joseph de La Vérendrye (1717 - 1761)
Christophe Dufrost de La Jemerais (1708 - 1736)
After La Salle's last expedition, French and Canadian explorers approached the Mississippi River from the south, except for the brothers Pierre-Antoine and Paul Mallet, who got as far as Santa Fe, New Mexico, from Louisiana in 1739. The search for the western sea through the north would be taken up by Pierre Gaultier de Varennes et de La Vérendrye and his four sons, Jean-Baptiste, Pierre, François and Louis-Joseph, and his nephew Christophe Dufrost de La Jemerais.
Born in Trois-Rivières in 1685, Pierre Gaultier de Varennes et de La Vérendrye was the son of Jean-René de Varennes, Governor of Trois-Rivières, and of Marie Boucher, the daughter of the first governor of Trois-Rivières. A military officer in Europe and then in New France, he farmed a piece of land near Trois-Rivières before being named commanding officer of the post at Kaministiquia (Thunder Bay) in 1727. A passion for exploration was lit in him by Native people's descriptions of a sea west of the Great Lakes. La Vérendrye proposed to Governor Beauharnois and to Hocquart, the district administrator, that he go in search of this sea to set up trading posts and to encourage the Cree to bring their furs to the French rather that to Hudson's Bay posts. His project was supported. With little money of his own, La Vérendrye created a company with several Montreal merchants. To pay the costs of the expedition, the company obtained a three-year monopoly on the furs that would come from the newly discovered territories. The Governor appointed La Vérendrye as administrator of the fur trade district called Mer de l'Ouest.
On August 26, 1731, La Vérendrye left Montreal with three of his sons, Jean-Baptiste (18 years old), Pierre (17) and François (15), his nephew La Jemerais and approximately 50 hired people as well as the Jesuit Charles-Michel Mésaiger. Their expedition to the north was punctuated by their establishment of trading posts. From Kaministiquia, they went as far as Rainy Lake, where they set up Fort St-Pierre. The following year, they built Fort St-Charles on Lake of the Woods. Two years later, the explorers built Fort Maurepas at the mouth of the Red River on Lake Winnipeg.
These explorations and settlements did not occur without drama. After staying at the colony, the father La Vérendrye returned west in October 1736 with his youngest son, Louis-Joseph. On arrival at Fort St. Charles, he learned of the death of his nephew, La Jemerais, as a result of illness in May. This death was followed by an even sadder event. In 1734, caught in the middle of wars between First Nations, La Vérendrye had made the mistake of leaving his son Jean-Baptiste with the Assiniboine as an advisor to them on matters such as trade and war. On June 6, 1736, the Sioux, enemies of the Assiniboine, decapitated the young man as well as 19 other men at Lake of the Woods.
In spite of his sorrow, La Vérendrye could not stop his explorations -- the money that had been invested in his journeys obliged him to continue. During 1738-1739, the remaining members of the La Vérendrye family explored the complex network of Manitoba lakes and rivers as well as the Red, Assiniboine and White rivers (in southern Saskatchewan) and helped build Fort La Reine (Portage-La-Prairie). These discoveries were followed, two years later, by the establishment of forts Dauphin, on Dauphin Lake, and Bourbon, on Lac La Biche.
La Vérendrye put great faith in Native guides, especially in Auchagah, a Cree, who informed him of the existence of various passable routes west of Lake Superior.
" Rapport au guide j'ay fait choix d'un nommé Auchagah Sauvage de mon poste fort attaché à la nation françoise le plus en état de guider le convoy et dont il n'y a pas lieu de craindre que l'on soit abandonné dans la route,…"
"With reference to the guide, the man I have chosen is one named Auchagah, a savage of my post, greatly attached to the French nation, the man most capable of guiding a party, and with whom there would be no fear of our being abandoned on the way." [translation]
"Le premier fevrier, j'ay fait partir quinze sauvages et leurs femmes pour me tracer le chemin le plus court, le débarasser et me marquer les campemens, je garday les huit autres et leurs femmes pour mener les vivres et me servir."
"On the first of February I sent off fifteen savages and their wives to mark out the shortest way for me, clear it of obstacles and select places to camp; the eight others and their wives I kept to carry provisions and be of service to me." [translation]
In October 1738, La Vérendrye, his son Louis-Joseph, 20 men, the Nolan merchants and 25 Assiniboine left for the southwest to discover a great river in the land of the Mandan. From Fort La Reine, they headed towards the sources of the Missouri River. At Little Knife River (North Dakota), La Vérendrye, physically exhausted, sent Louis-Joseph on to the Missouri. Because of high cliffs, the latter did not see that the river flowed south. After this expedition, Pierre de La Vérendrye returned to Montreal, where he learned of the death of his wife.
Resolved to find the western sea, La Vérendrye the elder returned to Fort La Reine in 1741 to see if he could reach this sea through the southwest. In 1742-1743, he sent his sons Louis-Joseph and François to the Mandan, an expedition that took longer than 14 months, as far as the Big Horn Mountains in Wyoming. Faced by wars between the First Nations in the area, they returned to the junction of the Missouri and Bad rivers, present-day site of Pierre city, in the centre of South Dakota. They buried a lead plaque that spoke of the mission that was entrusted to them by the Marquis of Beauharnois, Governor of New France. La Vérendrye returned to Montreal without having reached the western sea.
Faced by criticism from Minister Maurepas for not reaching the western sea and losing money year after year, Pierre de La Vérendrye submitted his resignation in 1743. His sons stayed in western posts for several years before returning to the colony and serving in the army. If La Vérendrye met with impatience from Maurepas, the same cannot be said of the governors Beauharnois and de La Galisonnière, who provided him with trade licences and bestowed upon him the rank of army captain. Shortly before his death, in 1749, Louis XV recognized his exploits by bestowing on him the highest military honour reserved for officers, the Saint-Louis Cross.
La Vérendrye's explorations pushed the limits of New France to the Saskatchewan River in the north and to the borders of South Dakota and Wyoming. Their last expeditions contributed to opening the Saskatchewan route not only to the English explorers who were to follow 30 years later but also to two French Canadians, François-Antoine and Joseph Larocque, who would pick up the search for the western sea by means of the Missouri and reach the Pacific. La Vérendrye's explorations also led the Hudson's Bay Company to send explorers to the country's interior because the profitability of its trading posts were threatened by those that the La Vérendryes and their successors had set up.
Furs of Gold
The driving force behind the expansion of European exploration into the interior of North America was a furry brown rodent, weighing up to about 30 kilograms, with razor-sharp front teeth and an insatiable need to gnaw on wood. The beaver (Castor canadensis) had more influence over the history of Canada than any other animal before or since; hence it has been accepted as our national emblem.
Native people hunted the beaver long before the arrival of the fur traders. They roasted the meat for food and used the pelts for clothing. But it was changing fashions in headwear that made the animal so valuable to Europeans. Toward the end of the 16th century, a rage for the broad-brimmed beaver hat swept the salons of Europe. The beaver hat was not a fur hat in the same sense as the coonskin cap of the American frontier or the famous busby worn by guards at Buckingham Palace. It was actually a felt hat, manufactured by removing the fur from its skin and mashing it together with adhesives and stiffeners. (One of these additives was mercury, the fumes from which affected the brains of hat-makers, giving rise to the expression "mad as a hatter".)
A beaver pelt consists of two layers, an outer layer of coarse guard hair and an undercoat of soft, velvety fur called the duvet. When the guard hairs were removed, the woolly underfur, known as castor gras, was perfect for making felt hats. Beaver was also a source of so-called "fancy furs" used as trim on garments and to make coats and outerwear. But it was the demand for hats that supported the Canadian fur trade from its beginnings until the 1830s, when silk replaced beaver felt as the most popular fabric for high quality hats.
Traders collected a variety of other furs, including fox, mink, otter, marten, and bear, but because it was in greatest demand the beaver was the standard by which all the others were judged. The fur trade had no use for money. It was a barter trade -- goods were exchanged for goods. Still, a recognized standard of value had to be established for business to be done so the beaver pelt became the accepted unit of currency. A single prime pelt was called a Made-Beaver and all other items were measured against it. For example, a gun might be worth fourteen Made-Beavers, a blanket seven Made-Beavers, and so on. All other types of pelts were given an equivalent value in beaver skins: a marten equalled half a beaver, for example, while an otter equalled one beaver. The result was that the total value of a quantity of furs could be given a Made Beaver value and then could be exchanged for an equivalent value of trade goods.
Before the arrival of Europeans in Canada, an estimated ten million beaver inhabited the forested areas south of the tree line. During the fur trade era, this vast number was so depleted that the animal almost became extinct. However, with the decline of the trade, the beaver rallied and there are now healthy populations across the country.
The Hudson's Bay Company
In 1670, the "Governor and Company of Adventurers of England trading into Hudson's Bay," better known as the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC), was created. With its charter, the King of England granted the HBC an exclusive right to trade in the huge territory known as Rupert's Land. Named after Prince Rupert, one of the principals in the company, Rupert's Land was a vast area of about 7 770 000 km² and encompassed all the land that was drained by rivers flowing into Hudson Bay -- in short, much of what is now western and northern Canada. In return, the company was expected to give the British monarch two elk and two black beaver whenever a royal visit was made to the territory.
In 1670, and for many years to come, Rupert's Land was a great unknown to the Europeans who extracted furs from it. The HBC established a network of posts around the shores of Hudson Bay, but the Company was not interested in forming a colony, as the French had done beside the St. Lawrence River. It was interested only in trading for furs. The small wooden forts stood at the mouths of the important rivers, down which the Native people came in their canoes, bringing beaver skins to trade.
In their competition with the French traders from Canada, the HBC had many advantages. The posts on Hudson Bay were closer to the supplies of furs in the forests of the northern country, and company ships could sail with their cargoes of trade goods right into the heart of the continent. The HBC did not have to spend large amounts of money building a colony, nor did they have to employ a large number of traders to travel inland. For many years company employees were content to remain at the posts waiting for the furs to come to them.
Eventually the HBC was forced to wake from its "sleep by the frozen sea." Rival traders working inland established small posts in the hinterland south and west of Hudson Bay, intercepting the canoes of Native people on their way down to the British and choking off the supply of furs. In order to compete, the HBC was forced to send its own trading parties into the interior. In 1774, Samuel Hearne led a party of HBC canoes to the Saskatchewan River where he established Cumberland House, the first of many HBC inland posts. This move by the company initiated a period of fierce, head-to-head competition with traders from Canada, a rivalry that continued for 50 years and was the motivating force behind the spread of the fur trade across the western interior and over the Rocky Mountains into what is now British Columbia.
Eventually competition proved too costly to sustain and in 1821 the HBC absorbed its last rival, the North West Company, taking complete control of the western fur trade. The Company enjoyed its monopoly position for another four decades before rival traders again moved into its territory. In 1870 the HBC gave up its rights in Rupert's Land, selling them to the Canadian government. The company became a commercial enterprise like any other, evolving into the chain of retail stores familiar to modern Canadians.
Between 1696 and 1713, the French government closed the interior of Canada to the fur trade due to a glut of beaver pelts on the European market. Also during this time, French exploration was halted except that coming out of Louisiana in the Mississippi and Missouri areas. The only English activity was in 1690-92 when Henry Kelsey joined a group of Cree who were travelling south from Hudson Bay to the prairies, and in 1715-16 when William Stuart, with Thanadelthur as his guide, was sent northwest with a group of Cree from Churchill along the tree line to contact the Chipewyan for trade. Unfortunately both Englishmen kept poor diaries and made no maps. Consequently it is unclear precisely where they were.
The search for a maritime route through North America was revived late in the 17th century. Fuelled by stories from Native people, European geographers postulated a large gulf of the Pacific Ocean in the western interior of Canada, similar to the Gulf of Mexico in the south and Hudson Bay to the north. By the turn of the century this hypothetical 'Mer de l'Ouest' began to appear on maps, and the question of whether there was such sea changed to where it was.
In 1728 Pierre Gaultier de Varennes et de La Vérendrye offered to find this sea. To defray his costs he requested, and got, a monopoly on the fur trade west of Lake Superior. After collecting Native maps and accounts for the next three years, he and his sons finally pushed west. Travelling very slowly, they reached Lake Winnipeg in 1734 and the upper Missouri River in 1738. One of La Vérendrye's sons, Louis-Joseph, explored to the lower Saskatchewan in 1739-40, and to the Bighorn Mountains with his brother, François, in 1742-43. Impatient with the lack of progress at finding the sea, the Minister of the Marine, the Compte de Maurepas, relieved La Vérendrye of his command in 1743. Unfortunately, none of the La Vérendrye expeditions were accompanied by trained mapmakers. The maps sent from the West to Québec and, from there, on to Paris, are slightly modified Cree and Assiniboine maps. When these maps reached the cartographic division at the Ministry of the Marine, the royal cartographers incorporated them into printed maps. In 1751-52, an expedition of ten Frenchmen under the orders of Boucher de Nieverville finally reached the Rockies, proving that the 'Mer de l'Ouest' had been a mirage. The best summary map of the French period, published in 1755, incorporated a 1740 La Vèrendrye outline (taken from the information of Native people) of the west and cautiously added these words west of Lake Winnipeg: "on ignore si dans cette Partie ce sont des Terres ou la Mer" ["we don't know if in this area are lands or the sea"].
In the eastern areas of Canada mapping was done by military and naval engineers, and -- in the settled areas -- by surveyors. Some new exploration was carried out in northern Quebec where the Jesuit missionary Father Laure prepared a series of maps with the aid of a Montagnais woman. These maps were also sent to the cartographic division of the Ministry of the Marine.
During the 1730s, as the La Vérendryes were pushing west, the Hudson's Bay Company (HBC) came increasingly under attack for their poor record in exploration, especially in the search for a western passage. Even though the HBC Charter of 1670 called for exploration, the French -- and not they -- were doing it. Between 1741 and 1747, the British Admiralty and the main critic of the HBC, Arthur Dobbs, sent three expeditions up the west coast of Hudson Bay, which produced a series of good charts covering as far north as Repulse Bay. Finally shifting into action, the HBC sent a charting expedition in 1749 up the little known east coast north from James Bay to Hudson Strait. This survey dispelled the notion of an eastern passage through Richmond Gulf to the Atlantic.
As French competition increased and the HBC's profits plummeted, they finally decided to respond. In 1753, they sent Anthony Henday west with Cree traders to lure Native fur producers away from the French. Although Henday produced no maps, he laid the foundation for future company probes westward.
Significant maps of the period
Carte De L'Amerique Septentrionale... . 1734.
Carte De L'Amerique Septentrionale... . 1755.
Carte Physique des Terrains... . 1754.
"Part of Labradore." .
The Chart of the Coast where a North West Passage was attempted... .1748.
[Jemerais, Christophe Dufrost de la]
"Carte d'un Partie du Lac Superior... ." .
"Carte Du Domaine En Canada... ." 1731. (Redrafted with additions in 1732 and 1733).
"Carte contenant les nouvelles decouvertes... ." 1737.
"Carte contenant les nouvelles découvertes... . " 1740.
Chart of Hudson's Bay and Straits... . 1743.
Mappe Monde Geo-Hydrographique... , .
[Ochagach and others]
"Carte Tracée Par Les Cris." [1728-29].
Chart of the Seas, Straits &c. ... . 1746.