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Général

  • Projet de loi en faveur de l'annexion

    Projet de loi sur l'admission des États de la Nouvelle-Écosse, du Nouveau-Brunswick, du Canada-Est et du Canada-Ouest, et pour l'organisation des Territoires de Selkirk, de Saskatchewan et de Colombie

    [traduction libre]
    Qu'il soit ordonné que le Sénat et la Chambre des représentants des États-Unis d'Amérique rassemblés au Congrès demandent au président des États-Unis, l'autorisent à le faire, quand un avis sera déposé auprès du Secrétariat d'État à l'effet que les Gouvernements de Grande-Bretagne et des provinces du Nouveau-Brunswick, de la Nouvelle-Écosse, de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, de Terre-Neuve, du Canada, de la Colombie-Britannique, et de l'île de Vancouver ont accepté la proposition ci-après faite par les États-Unis, de proclamer par édit que, à partir de la date de l'avis, les États de la Nouvelle-Écosse, du Nouveau-Brunswick, du Canada-Est, du Canada-Ouest, et les Territoires de Selkirk, de Saskatchewan et de Colombie, suivant les limites et les droits définis par la loi, sont constitués et admis comme des États et des Territoires des États-Unis d'Amérique.

    SECT. 2. Et qu'il soit de plus ordonné que, à partir de la date à laquelle la proclamation du président des États-Unis d'Amérique aura pris effet, les articles ci-après proposés soient des conditions irrévocables à l'admission des États de la Nouvelle-Écosse, du Nouveau-Brunswick, du Canada-Est, du Canada-Ouest, et des États futurs de Selkirk, de Saskatchewan et de Colombie, à savoir :

    Article I

    Tous les terrains publics non vendus ou non cédés; les canaux, les ports publics, les phares, les quais; les aménagements des rivières et des lacs; l'inventaire des rails de chemin de fer, et autres dettes dues par les compagnies de chemin de fer; les postes de douane, les bureaux de poste deviendront possessions des États-Unis; mais tous les autres ouvrages et biens publics resteront la propriété des Gouvernements des États respectifs, ici constitués, en plus des sommes dues par les acheteurs ou les locataires de terrains et de mines au moment de l'union.

    Article II

    En contrepartie des terrains publics, des ouvrages et des biens qu'ils auront acquis, les États-Unis assumeront et rembourseront la dette consolidée et les passifs éventuels des anciennes provinces, à des taux d'intérêt qui n'excéderont pas cinq pour cent, pour un montant de quatre-vingt-cinq millions sept cent mille dollars, répartis comme suit : au Canada-Ouest, trente-six millions cinq cent mille dollars; au Canada-Est, vingt-neuf millions; à la Nouvelle-Écosse, huit millions de dollars; au Nouveau-Brunswick, sept millions de dollars; à Terre-Neuve, trois millions deux cent mille dollars; à l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, deux millions de dollars; et en contrepartie du transfert futur par lesdites provinces aux États-Unis du pouvoir de prélever les droits d'importation et d'exportation, les États-Unis accorderont une subvention annuelle de un million six cent quarante-six mille dollars, pour contribuer au paiement des dépenses locales, répartie comme suit : au Canada-Ouest, sept cent mille dollars; au Canada-Est, cinq cent cinquante mille dollars; à la Nouvelle-Écosse, cent soixante-cinq mille dollars; au Nouveau-Brunswick, cent vingt-six mille dollars; à Terre-Neuve, soixante-cinq mille dollars; à l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, quarante mille dollars.

    Article III

    Pour les fins de l'organisation de l'État et de sa représentation au Congrès des États-Unis, Terre-Neuve fera partie du Canada-Est et l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard de la Nouvelle-Écosse, sauf que chaque province sera toujours un district de représentation séparé, et habilité à élire au moins un membre de la Chambre des représentants, et sauf aussi que les autorités municipales de Terre-Neuve et de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard recevront les indemnités prévues à l'article II et payables par les États-Unis.

    Article IV

    Les divisions territoriales seront établies comme suit : (1) Nouveau-Brunswick, suivant ses limites actuelles; (2) Nouvelle-Écosse, avec l'ajout de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard; (3) Canada-Est, avec l'ajout de Terre-Neuve et tout le territoire à l'est du quatre-vingtième degré de longitude et au sud du détroit d'Hudson; (4) Canada-Ouest, avec l'ajout du territoire au sud de la baie d'Hudson et entre les quatre-vingtième et quatre-vingt-dixième degrés de longitude; (5) territoire de Selkirk, borné à l'est au quatre-vingt-dixième degré de longitude, au sud par l'ancienne frontière des États-Unis, à l'ouest par le cent cinquième degré de longitude, et au nord par le cercle polaire arctique; (6) territoire de Saskatchewan, borné à l'est par le cent cinquième degré de longitude, au sud par le quarante-neuvième degré de latitude; à l'ouest par les montagnes Rocheuses, et au nord par le soixante-dixième degré de latitude; (7) territoire de Colombie, incluant l'île de Vancouver et l'île de la Reine-Charlotte, borné à l'est et au nord par les montagnes Rocheuses; au sud par le quarante-neuvième degré de latitude, et à l'ouest par l'océan Pacifique et l'Amérique russe. Mais le Congrès garde le droit de changer les limites et de subdiviser les zones des territoires de l'Ouest à sa discrétion.

    Article V

    Jusqu'à la prochaine révision décennale, la répartition des membres à la Chambre des représentants se fera comme suit : Canada-Ouest, douze membres; Canada-Est, incluant Terre-Neuve, onze membres; Nouveau-Brunswick, deux membres; Nouvelle-Écosse, incluant l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, quatre membres.

    Article VI

    Le Congrès des États-Unis proclamera par loi, en faveur des Territoires proposés de Selkirk, de Saskatchewan et de Colombie, toutes les dispositions de la loi organisant le Territoire du Montana, dans la mesure où elles pourront s'appliquer.

    Article VII

    Par la construction de nouveaux canaux ou l'élargissement des canaux existants, et par l'amélioration des bas-fonds, les États-Unis permettront la navigation sur le fleuve Saint-Laurent et les Grands Lacs possible aux navires jaugeant quinze cents tonneaux qui passeront par le golfe Saint-Laurent pour se rendre aux lacs Supérieur et Michigan, sous réserve que les dépenses, sous cet article, ne dépassent pas cinquante millions de dollars.

    Article VIII

    Les États-Unis acquerront la « Compagnie de chemins de fer européen et de l'Amérique du Nord du Maine » et paieront la somme de deux millions de dollars après la construction d'une ligne de chemin de fer ininterrompue entre Bangor dans le Maine et Saint-Jean au Nouveau-Brunswick, sous réserve que ladite « Compagnie de chemin de fer européen et de l'Amérique du Nord du Maine » libérera le Gouvernement des États-Unis de toutes les réclamations de cette dernière pour les cessions faites aux États du Maine et du Massachusetts.

    Article IX

    Pour contribuer à la construction d'un chemin de fer entre Truro, en Nouvelle-Écosse, et Rivière-du-Loup, en Canada-Est; et d'un autre entre la ville d'Ottawa, en passant par Sault Ste. Marie, Bayfield et Supérieur, au Wisconsin; Pembina et Fort Garry, sur la rivière Rouge du Nord; et la vallée de la rivière Saskatchewan Nord; et un point sur l'océan Pacifique au nord du quarante-neuvième degré de latitude, les États-Unis céderont des terrains situés le long des lignes desdites routes ferroviaires pour un total de vingt sections, ou de douze mille huit cents acres pour chaque mille, qui seront choisis et vendus selon la manière prescrite dans la Loi pour aider à la construction du chemin de fer du Pacifique Nord, approuvée le deux juillet mil huit cent soixante-deux, et dans les lois conséquemment modifiées; et en plus desdits terrains donnés, les États-Unis donneront des dividendes futurs de cinq pour cent sur les actions de la compagnie qui sera autorisée ou des compagnies qui seront autorisées par le Congrès à entreprendre la construction desdits chemins de fer, sous la réserve que le paiement de telle garantie de dividendes n'excède pas la somme de trente mille dollars pour chaque mille, et que le Congrès contrôle les titres pour les avances de fonds.

    Article X

    Le levé des terrains publics sera exécuté, autant que faire se peut, suivant le système du Bureau général des terres des États-Unis; et dans les territoires à l'ouest du quatre-vingt-dixième degré de longitude, ou la limite ouest du Canada-Ouest, les zones seize et trente-six seront cédées pour encourager l'établissement des écoles, et après la transformation des territoires en États, cinq pour cent des recettes nettes provenant de la vente des terrains publics seront versées dans leurs trésors publics respectifs pour aider à l'aménagement des routes et des rivières.

    Article XI

    Les États-Unis paieront dix millions de dollars à la Compagnie de la Baie d'Hudson en règlement complet des réclamations faites aux territoires ou juridictions en Amérique du Nord, qu'elles découlent des statuts de la compagnie ou de tout traité, loi ou usage.

    Article XII

    Il reviendra aux législatures du Nouveau-Brunswick, de la Nouvelle-Écosse, du Canada-Est et du Canada-Ouest, d'adapter les fonctions et les institutions locales de ces dits États aux dispositions de la Constitution et des lois des États-Unis, sujettes à révision par le Congrès.

    SECT. 3. Qu'il soit de plus ordonné que si l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard et Terre-Neuve, ou l'une de ces deux provinces rejettent l'union avec les États-Unis et que les autres provinces, avec le consentement de la Grande-Bretagne, acceptent la proposition des États-Unis, les susdites stipulations en faveur de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard et Terre-Neuve seront omises; mais, en regard de tous les autres aspects, les États-Unis donneront plein effet au plan de l'union. Si l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, Terre-Neuve, la Nouvelle-Écosse et le Nouveau-Brunswick rejettent la proposition, et que le Canada, la Colombie-Britannique et l'île de Vancouver l'acceptent, avec le consentement de la Grande-Bretagne, la construction de la ligne de chemin de fer entre Truro et Rivière-du-Loup, selon les stipulations qui concernent les provinces maritimes, ne fera pas partie du plan proposé d'union. Si le Canada rejette l'offre, alors les stipulations en regard des canaux du Saint-Laurent et de la ligne de chemin de fer entre Ottawa et Sault Ste. Marie, avec la clause canadienne d'indemnité de dette et de revenu, seront abandonnées. Si le plan d'union est accepté seulement par le territoire du Nord-Ouest et les provinces du Pacifique, les États-Unis aideront à la construction, selon les conditions mentionnées, d'une ligne de chemin de fer entre l'extrémité ouest du lac Supérieur, dans l'État du Minnesota, passant à Pembina, Fort Garry et la vallée de Saskatchewan, et la côte du Pacifique, au nord du quarante-neuvième degré de latitude, en plus de garantir tous les droits et les privilèges d'un territoire américain aux territoires proposés de Selkirk, de Saskatchewan, et de Colombie.

    Source: « Projet de loi sur l'admission des États de la Nouvelle-Écosse, du Nouveau-Brunswick, du Canada Est et du Canada Ouest, et pour l'organisation des Territoires de Selkirk, de Saskatchewan et de Colombie » (traduction libre).
    © Government of the United States of America

  • Le Traité de réciprocité (1854)

    [2e Session, 61e Congrès, Documents du Sénat, no 357]

    Le Gouvernement des États-Unis, étant aussi désireux que Sa majesté la Reine de Grande-Bretagne d'éviter plus ample incompréhension entre leurs citoyens et sujets respectifs concernant l'étendue du droit de pêche sur les côtes de l'Amérique du Nord britannique, garanti à chacun par l'article I de la Convention entre les États-Unis et la Grande-Bretagne signée à Londres le 20 octobre 1818; et étant également désireux de réglementer le commerce et la navigation entre leurs territoires et leurs peuples respectifs, et plus spécialement entre les possessions de Sa Majesté en Amérique du Nord et les États-Unis, d'une manière à permettre un avantage réciproquement satisfaisant, ont respectivement nommé les Plénipotentiaires suivants pour négocier et s'entendre sur la matière, à savoir :

    William L. Marcy, Secrétaire d'État des États-Unis, nommé par le Président des États-Unis; et James, comte d'Elgin et de Kincardine, Lord Bruce et Elgin, un noble du Royaume-Uni, Chevalier du plus ancien et noble Ordre de Thistle, et Gouverneur général de l'ensemble des provinces de Sa Majesté britannique sur le continent de l'Amérique du Nord et de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, nommé par Sa Majesté la Reine du Royaume-Uni de la Grande-Bretagne et d'Irlande;

    Qui, après avoir communiqué entre eux leurs pleins pouvoirs respectifs, trouvés en bonne et due forme, ont convenu des articles suivants :

    Article I

    Les hautes parties contractantes conviennent qu'en plus de la liberté garantie aux pêcheurs des États-Unis par la convention ci-haut mentionnée du 20 octobre 1818 de prendre, d'apprêter et de sécher le poisson sur certaines côtes des colonies de l'Amérique britannique ici définies, les habitants des États-Unis auront, autant que les sujets de Sa Majesté britannique, la liberté de prendre du poisson de toutes sortes, excepté les crustacés, sur les côtes de la mer, les berges, dans les baies, les ports, les ruisseaux du Canada, du Nouveau-Brunswick, de la Nouvelle-Écosse, de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, et sur les nombreuses îles y adjacentes, sans limite de distance par rapport à la côte, avec la permission de mettre pied à terre sur les côtes et les berges de ces colonies et de ces îles, et aussi sur les Îles-de-la-Madeleine pour y sécher leurs filets et apprêter leurs poissons; pourvu que, ce faisant, ils ne violent pas les droits de propriété privée et n'interviennent pas avec les pêcheurs britanniques, dans l'usage pacifique de n'importe quelle partie des dites côtes quand ils s'y trouvent dans le même dessein.

    Il est entendu que la liberté ci-haut mentionnée s'applique uniquement aux pêcheurs de mer, et que la pêche au saumon et au hareng, et la pêche dans les fleuves et à leurs embouchures, sont ici réservées exclusivement aux pêcheurs britanniques.

    Et il est de plus convenu, dans le but de prévenir ou de régler des différends quant aux endroits auxquels l'exclusivité du droit des pêcheurs britanniques prévue dans cet article et de celui des pêcheurs des États-Unis prévue dans l'article suivant s'applique, chacune des hautes parties contractantes, en regard de l'application de l'un et de l'autre, nommera un Commissaire dans les six mois suivant le présent traité. Les dits commissaires, avant d'entrer en fonction, devront signer une déclaration solennelle à l'effet qu'ils procéderont à l'examen et décideront des endroits à réserver et à exclure de la liberté de pêche commune, en vertu des présent et suivant articles, avec impartialité et soin, au meilleur de leur jugement et selon les principes de justice et d'équité, sans crainte, parti pris, ou attachement à leur propre pays; et cette déclaration sera inscrite dans le registre de leurs délibérations.

    Les Commissaires nommeront une troisième personne pour agir à titre d'arbitre dans tous les cas où ils pourraient être d'opinion contraire. S'ils ne peuvent s'entendre sur le nom de cette troisième personne, cette dernière sera choisie par tirage au sort et agira comme arbitre dans les cas de divergence entre les Commissaires. La personne choisie comme arbitre devra, avant d'agir à ce titre dans une cause, faire une déclaration solennelle par écrit semblable à celle faite par les Commissaires. Cette déclaration sera inscrite au registre des délibérations. En cas de mort, d'absence, ou d'incapacité de l'un des commissaires, ou de l'arbitre, une autre personne sera nommée, tel que décrit plus haut, pour agir en qualité de commissaire, ou d'arbitre, en lieu et place de la personne qui avait déjà fait une déclaration.

    Les commissaires procéderont à l'examen des côtes des provinces du Nord et des États-Unis, comprises dans les provisions des premier et deuxième articles de ce traité et désigneront les endroits exclus par les dits articles du droit commun de pêche.

    La décision des commissaires et de l'arbitre sera signifiée par écrit et signée par eux respectivement.

    Les hautes parties contractantes s'engagent ici solennellement à considérer la décision des commissaires, ou de l'arbitre, le cas échéant, comme étant irrévocable et concluante dans chaque cause réglée par eux ou par lui, selon le cas.

    Article II

    Les hautes parties contractantes conviennent que les sujets britanniques auront, autant que les citoyens des États-Unis, la liberté de prendre du poisson de toutes sortes, excepté les crustacés, sur les côtes est de la mer et sur les berges des États-Unis au nord du 36e parallèle de latitude nord, et sur les berges de plusieurs îles y adjacentes, et dans les baies, les ports, les ruisseaux de ces dites côtes est de la mer et des berges des États-Unis et des dites îles, sans limite de distance de la côte, avec la permission de mettre pied à terre sur les dites côtes des États-Unis et des îles déjà mentionnées pour y sécher leurs filets et apprêter leurs poissons; pourvu que, ce faisant, ils ne violent pas les droits de propriété privée et n'interviennent pas avec les pêcheurs des États-Unis, dans l'usage pacifique de n'importe quelle partie des dites côtes quand ils s'y trouvent dans le même dessein.

    Il est entendu que la liberté ci-haut mentionnée s'applique uniquement aux pêcheurs de mer, et que la pêche au saumon et au hareng, et la pêche dans les fleuves et à leurs embouchures, sont ici réservées exclusivement aux pêcheurs des États-Unis.

    Article III

    Il est convenu que les produits énumérés dans la liste ci-jointe, étant les produits de la croissance et de la production des colonies britanniques déjà mentionnées ou des États-Unis, seront acceptés dans chaque pays exempts de droits :

    • Grain, farine et matières panifiables de toutes sortes
    • Animaux de toutes sortes
    • Viandes fraîches, fumées, salées
    • Ouate, semences et légumes
    • Fruits séchés et non séchés
    • Poissons de toutes sortes
    • Produits de poisson et toutes créatures vivant dans l'eau
    • Volailles et oeufs
    • Cuirs, fourrures, peaux ou queues non travaillés
    • Sonte ou marbre, à l'état brut ou non travaillé
    • Ardoise
    • Beurre, fromage, suif
    • Saindoux, cornes, engrais
    • Minerais de métal de toutes sortes
    • Charbon
    • Brai, goudron, térébenthine, cendres
    • Bois ou bois coupé de toutes sortes, rond, abattu, scié, non manufacturé, en entier ou en partie
    • Bois à brûler
    • Plantes, arbrisseaux et arbres
    • Pelleteries et laine
    • Huile de poisson
    • Riz, maïs brossé et écorce
    • Gypse moulu ou non moulu
    • Bardanes ou meules coupés, travaillés ou non travaillés
    • Colorants
    • Lin, chanvre, filasse, non manufacturés
    • Tabac non manufacturé
    • Chiffons

    Article IV

    Il est convenu que les citoyens et les habitants des États-Unis auront le droit de naviguer sur le Saint-Laurent et les canaux du Canada pour communiquer entre les Grands Lacs et l'océan Atlantique, sur leurs navires, leurs bateaux, leurs barques, aussi totalement et librement que les sujets de Sa Majesté, assujettis seulement aux mêmes péages et aux mêmes contrôles auxquels les dits sujets de Sa Majesté le sont, ou pourraient l'être, dans l'avenir; étant entendu cependant que le Gouvernement britannique garde le droit de suspendre ce privilège par un avis convenable donné au Gouvernement des États-Unis.

    Il est de plus convenu que si, à quelque moment, le Gouvernement britannique exerce ce dit droit réservé, le Gouvernement des États-Unis aura le droit, s'il juge à propos de le faire, de suspendre l'application de l'article III du présent traité, en ce qui concerne la province du Canada, aussi longtemps que durera la suspension de la liberté de navigation sur le fleuve Saint-Laurent et les canaux.

    Il est de plus convenu que les sujets britanniques auront le droit de naviguer librement sur le lac Michigan avec leurs navires, leurs bateaux, leurs barques aussi longtemps que le privilège de naviguer sur le fleuve Saint-Laurent garanti aux citoyens américains par la clause ci-haut énoncée dans le présent article s'appliquera; et le Gouvernement des États-Unis s'engage de plus à imposer aux gouvernements des États l'obligation de garantir aux sujets de Sa Majesté britannique l'usage des nombreux canaux des États dans un souci d'égalité avec les habitants des États-Unis.

    Il est de plus convenu qu'aucun droit d'exportation, ou autre, ne sera imposé sur le bois ou le bois coupé de toutes sortes abattus sur la partie du territoire américain de l'État du Maine, mis à l'eau sur le fleuve Saint-Jean et ses affluents, et dérivant vers la mer, quand le même bois est expédié aux États-Unis en provenance de la province du Nouveau-Brunswick.

    Article V

    Le présent traité prendra effet dès que les lois nécessaires à son application auront été adoptées, d'une part par le Parlement impérial de la Grande-Bretagne et par les Parlements des provinces des colonies de l'Amérique du Nord britannique touchées par ce traité, et d'autre part par le Congrès des États-Unis. Après l'assentiment des lois, le traité restera en vigueur pour une période de dix ans à partir de la date de sa mise en application, et plus avant jusqu'à l'expiration d'une période de douze mois après que l'une ou l'autre des parties contractantes aura avisé l'autre de son intention d'y mettre fin; chacune des hautes parties contractantes ayant la même liberté de donner tel avis à la fin du dit terme de dix ans, ou en tout temps après.

    Il est clairement entendu, cependant, que cette stipulation ne doit pas affecter l'exclusivité accordée en vertu de l'article IV du présent traité, en regard du droit de suspendre temporairement l'application des articles III et IV.

    Article VI

    Et il est ici de plus convenu que les provisions et les stipulations des articles précédents s'appliqueront à l'île de Terre-Neuve, dans la mesure où elles concernent cette colonie. Mais si le Parlement impérial, le Parlement provincial de Terre-Neuve, ou le Congrès des États-Unis n'incluent pas la colonie de Terre-Neuve dans leurs lois adoptées pour donner effet à ce traité, cet article sera sans portée; mais l'omission d'inclure une provision par loi pour donner effet au traité, par l'une des législatures mentionnées ne doit pas invalider les autres articles de ce traité.

    Article VII

    Le présent traité devra être dûment ratifié, l'échange mutuel de ratification devra se faire à Washington dans les six mois suivant la date des présentes, ou plus tôt si possible.

    En foi de quoi, nous, les Plénipotentiaires respectifs, avons signé ce traité et y avons apposé nos sceaux.

    Fait en triplicata, à Washington, ce cinquième jour de juin de l'an de grâce mil huit cent cinquante-quatre.

    [Sceau.] W. L. MARCY.
    [Sceau.] ELGIN and KINCARDINE.

    Source: « Le Traité de réciprocité (1854) » (traduction libre). 2nd Session, 61st Congress, Senate Documents, no 357.
    © Government of the United States of America

  • George Brown décrit la Conférence de Charlottetown (1864)

    [Traduction officieuse]

    ... Nous étant vêtus de la façon qui convenait, nos deux canots furent abaissés, comme ceux d'un vaisseau de guerre, chacun avait son maître d'équipage et quatre avironneurs, tous vêtus de l'uniforme bleu réglementaire. Arrivés au rivage, nous mîmes pied à terre comme M. Christophe Colomb, qui avait quelque avance sur nous pour la prise de possession de certaines parties du continent. Nos collègues délégués se trouvaient déjà sur place à notre arrivée : cinq de la Nouvelle-Écosse, cinq du Nouveau-Brunswick et cinq de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard. Terre-Neuve appuyait entièrement nos efforts, mais ne fut pas avertie à temps pour prendre part aux débats.

    À 14 heures, la Conférence débuta par la nomination du colonel Gray, premier ministre de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, à titre de président de la convention. Vous savez que la Conférence fut tout d'abord organisée pour étudier l'union possible des Maritimes seulement et que le Canada ne faisait pas partie de ce projet et n'y avait aucun intérêt. Nous nous présentâmes à la Conférence non à titre de membres officiels, mais à titre d'invités pour discuter de l'avantage pour les Maritimes d'étendre le projet et de voir si les colonies de l'Amérique du Nord britannique pouvaient être regroupées sous un seul gouvernement. Ainsi, la Conférence débuta et s'organisa en notre absence, mais après cela, nous fûmes formellement invités à y prendre place et fûmes présentés en bonne et due forme. Après les chaleureuses poignées de main, les présentations et les politesses d'usage, la Conférence fut ajournée jusqu'au lendemain matin à dix heures, où nous allions commencer à débattre sérieusement. Au cours de la soirée, le gouverneur, M. Dundas, reçut à dîner le plus de délégués qu'il était possible de recevoir convenablement. J'étais parmi eux. La Conférence reprit le vendredi et le Canada ouvrit le débat. John A. Macdonald et Cartier élaborèrent les arguments généraux en faveur de la Confédération. Cela dura jusqu'à l'ajournement de la séance à 15 heures. À 16 heures, M. Pope donna un grand déjeuner à la fourchette...

    Les débats reprirent le samedi et M. Galt occupa la séance en abordant les aspects financiers de la fédération et la manière d'organiser les différences et les arrangements financiers de chaque province. Une fois la réunion terminée, nous retournâmes à bord de notre vapeur où nous prîmes part à un repas royal animé. Cartier et moi fîmes d'éloquents discours, comme d'habitude, et je ne sais si ce fut le résultat de notre éloquence ou du délicieux champagne, mais la glace se rompit complètement, les langues des délégués se délièrent et les bans de mariage entre toutes les colonies de l'ANB furent affichés. Une foule de gens furent dûment invités à s'exprimer sur-le-champ ou à jamais garder le silence. Personne ne semblait s'opposer au projet et l'union fut donc officiellement conclue et adoptée! Dans la soirée, le colonel Gray tint un grand banquet dans sa splendide résidence...

    Le lundi suivant, la Conférence reprit avec mon discours sur les aspects constitutionnels de la Confédération : la façon dont il faudrait édifier les gouvernements locaux et général; et sur la constitution de la justice : quelles responsabilités reviennent respectivement aux corps législatifs locaux et général, et ainsi de suite. Mon discours occupa toute la séance...

    La Conférence reprit le mardi. Nous discutâmes sérieusement des nombreux détails du projet. Ce jour-là, les Canadiens conclurent leur argumentation et quittèrent l'assemblée, laissant la convention délibérer sur leurs propositions. À 16 heures, M. Palmer, procureur général, offrit un grand banquet à sa résidence...

    Mercredi, la Conférence répondit aux élégués canadiens : les délégués des Maritimes furent unanimes à considérer la fédération de toutes les provinces comme hautement souhaitable s'il était possible de définir des modalités satisfaisantes, et ils furent aussi prêts à mettre de côté leurs considérations particulières jusqu'à ce que les détails du projet soient totalement analysés et réfléchis. Il fut convenu d'ajourner la Conférence jusqu'au lundi 12 septembre à Halifax.

    Source: « George Brown décrit la Conférence de Charlottetown (1864) » (extrait d'une lettre à sa femme, 13 septembre 1864 : traduction libre), The Canadian Historical Review, vol. 48, no 2 (juin 1967), p. 110-112.
    © Domaine public

  • Les résolutions de la Conférence de Québec, octobre 1864 (Les 72 Résolutions)

    [Traduction officieuse]

    1. Une union fédérale sous la Couronne de la Grande-Bretagne aurait l'effet de sauvegarder les intérêts les plus chers et d'accroître la prospérité de l'Amérique du Nord britannique, pourvu qu'elle puisse s'effectuer à des conditions équitables pour les diverses provinces.

    2. Le meilleur système de fédération pour les provinces de l'Amérique du Nord britannique -- le plus propre, dans les circonstances, à protéger les intérêts des diverses provinces et à produire l'efficacité, l'harmonie et la stabilité dans le fonctionnement de l'union -- serait un gouvernement chargé du contrôle des choses communes à tout le pays, et des gouvernements locaux pour chacun des deux Canadas, et pour la Nouvelle-Écosse, le Nouveau-Brunswick et l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, lesquels seraient chargés du contrôle des affaires locales dans leurs sections respectives, des dispositions étant prises pour admettre dans l'union, à des conditions équitables, Terre-Neuve, le Territoire du Nord-Ouest, la Colombie-Britannique et Vancouver.

    3. En élaborant une constitution pour le gouvernement général, la Conférence, afin de resserrer autant que possible les liens qui nous unissent à la mère patrie et de servir les plus chers intérêts des habitants de ces provinces, désire, autant que le permettront les circonstances, prendre pour modèle la Constitution anglaise.

    4. Le pouvoir ou gouvernement exécutif résidera dans le Souverain du Royaume-Uni de la Grande-Bretagne et d'Irlande, et sera administré par le souverain ou le représentant du souverain, suivant les principes de la Constitution britannique.

    5. Le souverain ou le représentant du souverain sera le commandant en chef des milices de terre et de mer.

    6. Il y aura pour toutes les provinces fédérées une législature ou Parlement général, composé d'un Conseil législatif et d'une Chambre des communes.

    7. En vue de la formation du Conseil législatif, les provinces fédérées seront divisées comme suit : 1. Le Haut-Canada; 2. Le Bas-Canada; 3. La Nouvelle-Écosse, le Nouveau-Brunswick et l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, chaque division ayant un nombre égal de représentants dans le Conseil législatif.

    8. Le Haut-Canada sera représenté dans le Conseil législatif par 24 membres, le Bas-Canada par 24, et les trois provinces maritimes aussi par 24, dont dix pour la Nouvelle-Écosse, dix pour le Nouveau-Brunswick et quatre pour l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard.

    9. La colonie de Terre-Neuve aura le droit d'entrer dans l'union projetée avec une représentation de quatre membres au sein du Conseil législatif.

    10. Les conditions d'admission dans l'union du Territoire du Nord-Ouest, de la Colombie-Britannique et de Vancouver seront déterminées par le Parlement général et approuvées par Sa Majesté; et en ce qui concerne l'admission et les conditions d'admission de la Colombie-Britannique ou de Vancouver, il faudra le consentement de la législature locale.

    11. Les conseillers législatifs seront nommés à vie par la Couronne, sous le grand sceau du gouvernement général; mais ils perdront leur siège par le fait d'une absence durant deux années consécutives.

    12. Les conseillers législatifs devront être sujets britanniques nés ou naturalisés, avoir au moins 30 ans, posséder et continuer à posséder, en propriétés foncières, une valeur de 4 000 $, en sus de toutes hypothèques, dettes et obligations; mais en ce qui concerne Terre-Neuve et l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, la propriété pourra être réelle ou personnelle.

    13. Le Conseil législatif décidera toute question relative aux qualifications de ses membres.

    14. Les premiers conseillers législatifs fédéraux seront pris dans les conseils législatifs actuels des diverses provinces, excepté pour ce qui est de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, dans la mesure où il pourra s'en trouver un assez grand nombre possédant les qualités requises et voulant occuper ce poste. Ces conseillers seront nommés par la Couronne, à la recommandation du Gouvernement général et sur la présentation des gouvernements locaux respectifs. Dans ces nominations, on devra avoir égard aux droits des conseillers législatifs qui représentent l'opposition dans chaque province, afin que tous les partis politiques soient, autant que possible, équitablement représentés.

    15. Le président du Conseil législatif, à moins qu'il n'en soit autrement décidé par le Parlement, sera choisi parmi les conseillers législatifs et nommé par la Couronne, laquelle pourra, à volonté, lui conserver ou lui ôter sa charge. Il aura droit seulement à une voix prépondérante dans le cas d'une égale division des votes.

    16. Chacun des vingt-quatre conseillers législatifs représentant le Bas-Canada dans le Conseil législatif de la législature fédérale sera nommé pour représenter l'un des vingt-quatre collèges électoraux nommés dans l'Annexe A du ler chapitre des Statuts refondus du Canada, et ce conseiller devra résider ou posséder son cens de qualification dans le collège dont la représentation lui sera assignée.

    17. La représentation dans la Chambre des communes aura pour base la population dont le chiffre sera déterminé par le recensement officiel fait tous les dix ans; et le nombre des représentants sera d'abord de 194, distribué comme suit :

    • Haut-Canada ... 82
    • Bas-Canada ... 65
    • Nouvelle-Écosse ... 19
    • Nouveau-Brunswick ... 15
    • Terre-Neuve ... 8
    • Île-du-Prince-Édouard ... 5

    18. Il ne pourra y avoir aucun changement dans le nombre des représentants des diverses provinces avant le recensement de 1871.

    19. Immédiatement après le recensement de 1871 et chaque autre recensement décennal, la représentation de chacune des provinces dans la Chambre des communes sera répartie de nouveau en prenant pour base la population.

    20. Pour les fins de ces nouvelles répartitions, le Bas-Canada aura le nombre fixe de 65 représentants, et chacune des autres sections recevra, à chacune de ces nouvelles répartitions, pour les dix années qui suivront, le nombre de membres auquel elle aura droit, en prenant pour base de calcul le nombre d'âmes représentées, suivant le dernier recensement d'alors, par chacun des 65 membres du Bas-Canada.

    21. Nulle réduction n'aura lieu dans le nombre de représentants élus pour une province quelconque, à moins que le chiffre de sa population n'ait décru de cinq pour cent, ou plus, relativement à la population totale des provinces fédérées.

    22. En supputant, à chaque période décennale, le nombre de représentants auquel chaque section aura droit, on ne prendra les fractions en considération que lorsqu'elles dépasseront la moitié du nombre qui donnera droit à un représentant, auquel cas ces fractions auront, chacune, droit à un représentant.

    23. Les législatures des diverses provinces diviseront respectivement celles-ci en comtés et en définiront les limites.

    24. Les législatures locales pourront, de temps à autre, changer les districts électoraux pour fins de la représentation dans la législature locale, et distribuer, de la manière qu'elles le jugeront appropriée, les représentants auxquels elles auront respectivement droit.

    25. Le Parlement général pourra, quand il le jugera approprié, augmenter le nombre des membres, mais il devra conserver les proportions alors existantes.

    26. Jusqu'à ce qu'il en soit autrement décidé par le Parlement général, toutes les lois qui, à la date de la proclamation de l'union, seront en force dans les diverses provinces relativement à l'éligibilité ou l'inéligibilité des personnes à siéger ou à voter dans les assemblées législatives de ces provinces, ainsi qu'à la capacité ou à l'incapacité des électeurs, aux serments exigés des votants, aux officiers rapporteurs ou à leurs pouvoirs et devoirs, aux élections, au temps que celles-ci peuvent durer, aux élections contestées et aux procédures afférentes, à la vacance des sièges en Parlement, à l'émission et à l'exécution des nouveaux brefs dans les cas de vacances occasionnées par d'autres causes que la dissolution du Parlement, -- toutes ces lois s'appliqueront aux élections des représentants de la Chambre des communes, suivant la province pour laquelle ces représentants seront élus.

    27. La durée de chaque Chambre des communes sera de cinq ans, à compter du jour du rapport des brefs d'élections, à moins que le Parlement ne soit dissous plus tôt par le gouverneur.

    28. Il y aura une session du Parlement général au moins une fois par année, de manière qu'il ne doive jamais s'écouler plus de douze mois entre la dernière séance d'une session et la première séance de la session suivante.

    29. Le Parlement général aura le pouvoir de faire des lois pour la paix, le bien-être et le bon gouvernement des provinces fédérées (sans, toutefois, pouvoir porter atteinte à la souveraineté de l'Angleterre), et en particulier sur les sujets suivants :

    1. la dette et la propriété publique;

    2. le commerce;

    3. l'imposition ou la réglementation des droits de douane sur les importations et sur les exportations, excepté sur les exportations du bois équarri, des billes, des mâts, des espars, des madriers, du bois scié du Nouveau-Brunswick, et du charbon et des autres minéraux de la Nouvelle-Écosse;

    4. l'imposition ou la réglementation des droits d'accise;

    5. le prélèvement de deniers pour tous autres modes ou systèmes de taxation;

    6. les emprunts d'argent sur le crédit public;

    7. le service postal;

    8. les lignes de bateaux à vapeur ou d'autres bâtiments, les chemins de fer, les canaux et autres travaux qui relieront deux ou plusieurs provinces ou se prolongeront au-delà des limites de l'une d'elles;

    9. les lignes de bateaux à vapeur entre les provinces fédérées et d'autres pays;

    10. les compagnies télégraphiques et la constitution en corporation des compagnies télégraphiques;

    11. tous autres travaux qui, bien que situés dans une seule province, seront spécialement déclarés d'un avantage général dans les lois qui les autoriseront;

    12. le recensement;

    13. la milice, le service militaire et naval et la défense du pays;

    14. les balises, les bouées et les phares;

    15. la navigation et le transport maritime;

    16. la quarantaine;

    17. les pêcheries le long des côtes et à l'intérieur;

    18. les passages d'eau (ferries) entre une province et tout pays étranger ou entre deux des provinces;

    19. le cours monétaire et le monnayage;

    20. les banques, la constitution en corporation des banques et l'émission du papier-monnaie;

    21. les caisses d'épargne;

    22. les poids et mesures;

    23. les lettres de change et les billets à ordre;

    24. l'intérêt;

    25. les offres légales;

    26. la banqueroute et l'insolvabilité;

    27. les brevets d'invention et de découverte;

    28. les droits d'auteur;

    29. les sauvages et les terres réservées aux sauvages;

    30. la naturalisation et les aubains;

    31. le mariage et le divorce;

    32. le droit criminel, excepté la constitution des cours de juridiction criminelle, mais y compris la procédure en matière criminelle;

    33. toute mesure tendant à rendre uniformes les lois relatives à la propriété et aux droits civils dans le Haut-Canada, la Nouvelle-Écosse, le Nouveau-Brunswick, l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard et Terre-Neuve, ainsi que la procédure de toutes les cours de justice dans ces provinces. Mais nul statut à cet effet n'aura ni force ni autorité dans aucune de ces provinces avant d'avoir reçu la sanction de sa législature locale;

    34. l'établissement d'une cour générale d'appel pour les provinces fédérées;

    35. l'immigration;

    36. l'agriculture;

    37. et généralement toutes les matières d'un caractère général qui ne seront pas spécialement et exclusivement réservées au contrôle des législatures et des gouvernements locaux.

    30. Le gouvernement général et le Parlement général auront tous les pouvoirs nécessaires à l'accomplissement des obligations des provinces fédérées, comme partie de l'Empire britannique, envers les pays étrangers, par suite de traités entre la Grande-Bretagne et ces pays.

    31. Le Parlement général pourra aussi, quand il le jugera approprié, créer de nouveaux juges et de nouveaux officiers, si la chose paraît avantageuse au public ou nécessaire à la mise en vigueur des lois du Parlement.

    32. Toutes les cours, tous les juges et les officiers des diverses provinces devront aider le gouvernement général et lui obéir dans l'exercice de ses droits et de ses pouvoirs; et pour ces objets, ils seront considérés comme cours, juges et officiers du gouvernement général.

    33. Le gouvernement général nommera et paiera les juges des cours supérieures dans les diverses provinces et des cours de comté dans le Haut-Canada et le Parlement déterminera leurs salaires.

    34. Jusqu'à ce qu'on ait consolidé les lois du Haut-Canada, du Nouveau-Brunswick, de la Nouvelle-Écosse, de Terre-Neuve et de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, les juges de ces provinces qui seront nommés par le gouvernement général seront pris dans les barreaux respectifs.

    35. Les juges des cours du Bas-Canada seront choisis parmi les membres du barreau du Bas-Canada.

    36. Les juges de la Cour d'amirauté qui reçoivent maintenant des traitements seront payés par le gouvernement général.

    37. Les juges des cours supérieures conserveront leurs charges sous réserve de révocation motivée et ne pourront être destitués que sur une adresse des deux Chambres du Parlement.

    38. Chaque province aura un officier exécutif appelé lieutenant-gouverneur, lequel sera nommé par le gouverneur général en conseil sous le grand sceau des provinces fédérées et sous réserve de révocation motivée; mais cette révocations motivée ne devra pas être exercée avant cinq ans accomplis à moins qu'il n'y ait cause, et cette cause devra être communiquée par écrit au lieutenant-gouverneur immédiatement après l'exercice de cette révocation motivée et aussi par message aux deux Chambres du Parlement dans la première semaine de la première session.

    39. Les lieutenants-gouverneurs des provinces seront payés par le gouvernement général.

    40. La convention, en réglant ainsi les salaires des lieutenants-gouverneurs, ne prétend pas porter préjudice à la réclamation de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard auprès du gouvernement impérial pour le salaire maintenant payé à son lieutenant-gouverneur.

    41. Les gouvernements et les parlements des diverses provinces seront constitués de la manière que leurs législatures actuelles jugeront respectivement à propos d'établir.

    42. Les législatures locales auront le pouvoir d'amender ou de modifier de temps à autre leur constitution.

    43. Les législatures locales auront le pouvoir de faire des lois sur les sujets suivants :

    Dispositions générales

    1. la taxation directe et, dans le Nouveau-Brunswick, l'imposition de droits sur l'exportation du bois équarri, des billes, des mâts, des espars, des madriers et du bois scié; et, dans la Nouvelle-Écosse, du charbon et des autres minéraux;

    2. les emprunts d'argent sur le crédit de la province;

    3. l'établissement de charges locales et la manière dont elles seront tenues, et la nomination et le paiement des officiers locaux;

    4. l'agriculture;

    5. l'immigration;

    6. l'éducation (sauf les droits et privilèges que les minorités catholiques ou protestantes dans les deux Canadas posséderont par rapport à leurs écoles séparées au moment de l'union);

    7. la vente et l'administration des terres publiques, moins celles qui appartiendront au gouvernement général;

    8. les pêcheries des côtes de la mer et de l'intérieur;

    9. l'établissement, l'entretien et l'administration des pénitenciers et des prisons de réforme;

    10. l'établissement, l'entretien et l'administration des hôpitaux, des asiles, des lazarets et autres institutions de charité;

    11. les institutions municipales;

    12. les licences des boutiques, des auberges, des commissaires-priseurs et autres licences;

    13. les travaux locaux;

    14. la constitution en corporation de compagnies privées ou locales, excepté celles qui auront pour objet des matières assignées au Parlement général;

    15. la propriété et les droits civils, moins ce qui est attribué au Parlement général;

    16. les punitions par amendes, pénalités, emprisonnement ou autrement, pour contravention aux lois qui sont de leur compétence législative;

    17. l'administration de la justice, y compris la constitution, le maintien et l'organisation des cours de juridiction civile et criminelle ainsi que la procédure en matière civile;

    18. et généralement toutes les matières d'une nature privée ou locale non assignées au Parlement général.

    44. Le pouvoir de pardonner aux criminels, de commuer ou de remettre en tout ou en partie leurs sentences, ou de surseoir à leur exécution, lequel pouvoir appartient de droit à la Couronne, résidera dans la personne des lieutenants-gouverneurs en conseil; mais ceux-ci devront se conformer aux instructions qui pourront leur être adressées de temps à autre, à cet égard, par le gouvernement général, ainsi qu'aux lois du Parlement général.

    Dispositions générales

    45. Pour tout ce qui regarde les questions soumises concurremment au contrôle du Parlement fédéral et des législatures locales, les lois du Parlement fédéral devront l'emporter sur celles des législatures locales. Les lois de ces dernières seront nulles partout où elles seront en conflit avec celles du Parlement général.

    46. Les langues anglaise et française pourront être simultanément employées dans les délibérations du Parlement général ainsi que dans la législature du Bas-Canada, et aussi dans les cours fédérales et les cours du Bas-Canada.

    47. On ne pourra taxer les terres ou propriétés qui appartiendront au gouvernement général ou aux gouvernements locaux.

    48. Tout projet de loi qui aura pour but d'attribuer une partie quelconque du revenu public, de créer de nouvelles taxes ou de nouveaux impôts, devra, suivant le cas, être présenté d'abord dans la Chambre des communes ou dans l'Assemblée législative locale, suivant le cas.

    49. Tout vote, toute résolution, toute adresse ou tout projet de loi des Chambres de communes fédérales ou des Assemblées législatives locales qui aura pour but l'attribution d'une partie quelconque du revenu ou la création d'une taxe ou d'un impôt pour un objet quelconque, devra, suivant le cas, être précédé d'un message du gouverneur général ou du lieutenant-gouverneur présenté durant la session même où sera adopté tel vote, telle résolution, telle adresse ou tel projet de loi.

    50. Tout projet de loi de la législature générale pourra être réservé de la manière ordinaire pour la sanction de Sa Majesté et les projets de loi des législatures locales pourront aussi, de la même manière, être réservés pour la considération du gouverneur général.

    51. Les projets de loi de la législature générale seront sujets au désaveu de Sa Majesté, durant les deux ans qui suivront la passation, comme l'ont été jusqu'à présent les projets de loi adoptés par les législatures desdites provinces, et ceux des législatures locales seront sujets au désaveu du gouverneur général durant les douze mois qui suivront leur adoption.

    52. Ottawa sera le siège du gouvernement fédéral, sauf l'exercice de la prérogative royale.

    53. Sauf les mesures que pourront adopter par la suite les divers gouvernements locaux, le siège du gouvernement local du Haut-Canada sera Toronto, et Québec sera celui du gouvernement du Bas-Canada; rien n'est changé en ce qui concerne le siège de chacun des gouvernements locaux des autres provinces.

    54. Tous fonds, tout argent en caisse, tous soldes entre les mains des banquiers et toutes autres valeurs appartenant à chaque province, à l'époque de l'union, appartiendront au gouvernement général, excepté pour ce qui est mentionné ci-dessous.

    55. Les ouvrages et propriétés publics de chaque province, énumérés ci-dessous, appartiendront au gouvernement général :

    1. les canaux;

    2. les havres publics;

    3. les phares et les jetées ou quais;

    4. les bateaux à vapeur, les dragues et les autres vaisseaux publics;

    5. les améliorations sur les rivières et les lacs;

    6. les chemins de fer et actions de chemin de fer, les hypothèques ou autres dettes des compagnies de chemin de fer;

    7. les routes militaires;

    8. les bureaux de douane, les bureaux de poste et les autres édifices publics, excepté ceux qui seront réservés par le gouvernement général à l'usage des législatures et des gouvernements locaux;

    9. les propriétés transférées par le gouvernement impérial, et connues sous le nom de propriétés d'artillerie;

    10. les arsenaux, les salles d'exercice, les habillements et accoutrements militaires, les munitions de guerre; et

    11. les terres réservées pour des objets publics.

    56. Toutes les terres, toutes les mines, tous les minéraux et toutes les réserves royales qui appartiennent à Sa Majesté dans les provinces du Haut-Canada, du Bas-Canada, du Nouveau-Brunswick, de la Nouvelle-Écosse et de l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard, pour l'usage de ces provinces, appartiendront respectivement aux gouvernements locaux des territoires où ils sont situés, sous réserve toutefois des fidéicommis et des intérêts d'autres tiers qui pourront exister relativement à ces terres.

    57. Toutes les sommes d'argent dues par les acquéreurs ou les locataires de ces terres, mines ou minéraux à l'époque de l'Union, appartiendront aussi aux gouvernements locaux.

    58. Toutes valeurs ou propriétés se rattachant aux parties de la dette publique d'une province dont seront chargés les gouvernements locaux, appartiendront aussi à ces gouvernements respectivement.

    59. Les diverses provinces demeureront respectivement en possession de toutes les autres propriétés publiques situées dans leurs limites; mais le gouvernement général aura le droit de prendre les terres ou les propriétés publiques dont il aura besoin pour les fortifications ou la défense du pays.

    60. Le gouvernement général devra assumer toutes les dettes et les obligations des diverses provinces.

    61. La dette du Canada qui ne sera pas spécialement à la charge du Haut et du Bas-Canada respectivement, ne devra pas, au temps de l'union, dépasser 62 500 000 $. La Nouvelle-Écosse entrera dans l'union avec une dette ne dépassant pas 8 000 000 $ et le Nouveau-Brunswick avec une dette ne dépassant pas 7 000 000 $.

    62. Dans le cas où la Nouvelle-Écosse ou le Nouveau-Brunswick ne contracteraient pas d'obligations au-delà de celles auxquelles ces provinces sont actuellement assujetties, et que leurs dettes seraient respectivement inférieures à 8 000 000 $ et 7 000000 $ à l'époque de l'union, elles auront droit à cinq pour cent sur la différence qui existera entre les chiffres réels de leurs dettes et ceux de 8 000 000 $ et 7 000 000 $ respectivement, de la même manière qu'il est établi ci-dessous pour Terre-Neuve et l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard. Cette résolution n'a nullement pour but de restreindre les pouvoirs donnés aux gouvernements respectifs de ces provinces, par autorité législative, mais seulement de limiter le maximum de la dette dont devra se charger le gouvernement général, pourvu toujours que les pouvoirs ainsi conférés par les législatures respectives soient exercés dans les cinq années qui suivront ce jour, sans quoi ils cesseront d'exister.

    63. Comme Terre-Neuve et l'Île-du-Prince-Édouard n'ont pas contracté de dettes égales à celles des autres provinces, leurs gouvernements respectifs auront droit de recevoir, à l'avance, du gouvernement général, en paiements semi-annuels, l'intérêt de cinq pour cent sur la différence qui existera entre le montant de leurs dettes respectives, à l'époque de l'union, et la moyenne du chiffre de la dette, par tête, en prenant la population du Canada, de la Nouvelle-Écosse et du Nouveau Brunswick.

    64. En considération de la transmission faite à la législature générale du pouvoir de taxer, les provinces auront droit respectivement à un octroi annuel de 80 centins par tête, d'après le recensement de 1861. La population de Terre-Neuve est évaluée, pour cet objet, à 130 000 âmes. Les provinces ne pourront rien réclamer de plus à l'avenir du gouvernement général pour les besoins locaux, et cette aide sera payée d'avance tous les six mois, à chacune d'elles.

    65. Comme la position du Nouveau-Brunswick est telle qu'il devra imputer immédiatement des dépenses considérables sur son revenu local, il recevra annuellement, durant dix ans, une somme additionnelle de 63 000 $. Mais, tant que ses obligations resteront au-dessous de 7 000 000 $, on déduira, sur cette somme de 63 000 $, un montant égal à l'intérêt, à cinq pour cent, sur la différence entre le chiffre réel de sa dette provinciale et le chiffre de 7 000 000 $.

    66. Terre-Neuve, en considération de l'abandon de ses droits sur les mines,les minéraux et les terres de la Couronne non encore vendues ni occupées, recevra annuellement 150 000 $ en paiements semestriels. Mais cette colonie se réserve le droit d'ouvrir, de construire et de contrôler les chemins et ponts dans les limites de ces mêmes terres, sous réserve toutefois des lois que le Parlement général croira devoir adopter à cet égard.

    67. Le gouvernement général devra remplir tous les engagements qui pourront avoir été pris, avant l'Union, avec le gouvernement impérial, pour la défense des provinces.

    68.Le gouvernement général devra faire compléter sans délai le chemin de fer Intercolonial, de Rivière-du-Loup à Truro, en Nouvelle-Écosse, en le faisant passer par le Nouveau-Brunswick.

    69. La Convention considère les communications avec le Territoire du Nord-Ouest et les améliorations nécessaires au développement du commerce du Grand-Ouest avec la mer comme étant de la plus haute importance pour les provinces confédérées, et comme devant mériter l'attention du gouvernement fédéral, aussitôt que le permettra l'état des finances.

    70. Il faudra réclamer la sanction du Parlement impérial et des Parlements locaux pour l'union des provinces selon les principes adoptés par la Conférence.

    71. Sa Majesté la Reine sera priée de déterminer le rang et le nom des provinces fédérées.

    72. Les délibérations de la Conférence seront signées par les délégués et soumises par chaque délégation locale à son gouvernement respectif, et le président de la Conférence est autorisé à en soumettre une copie au gouvernement général afin que celui-ci puisse la transmettre au secrétaire d'État pour les colonies.

    Source: Extrait de « Les résolutions de la Conférence de Québec, octobre 1864 » (traduction libre). Documents on the Confederation of British North America. Toronto : McClelland and Stewart Ltd., 1969. P. 154-165.
    © Domaine public

Alberta et Saskatchewan

  • Haultain's open letter to Laurier (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Saskatoon Phenix Le 17 mars 1905, p. 1 et 10

    "Territorial Premier Doubts the Necessity of Cutting Northwest Into Two Provinces---Criticizes the School Clause From a Constitutional Standpoint---Control of Irrigation and Public Lands---Provision for Appointing Judges.

    "Ottawa, March 12 -- The following open letter has been sent to Sir Wilfred Laurier by Premier Haultain under the date of yesterday: --

    "Sir, -- The somewhat hurried termination of the conference to which you were good enough to invite representatives of the Northwest Government, and the introduction of the Alberta and Saskatchewan bills, call for a final statement on the subject. In this statement I shall continue my remarks to some of the more important provisions of the bills, leaving a number of minor matters requiring consideration to less formal mention.

    "The first question which suggests itself, is the one of necessity for the creation of two provinces instead of one. After careful consideration I am more convinced than ever that there is no necessity for dividing the country into two provinces, with the consequent duplication of the machinery and institutions. The provincial machinery is elaborate and expensive and is more suitable to large areas and large populations. The new Territories have for a number of years been under

    One Government

    and legislature, performing most of the duties and exercising many of the more important powers of provincial governments and legislatures.

    "There has never been any suggestion that the territorial autonomy was in any was [sic] inadequate for the purposes for which it was created. Our laws and institutions are admittedly efficient and satisfactory. Under them the people of the Territories have acquired a political individuality and an identity as distinct as that of the people of any province. Up to the thirteenth of June next, this will continue to be the case and there does not seem to be any reason based on necessity, or convenience, why on the first day of July they should be suddenly divided in two, separated by a purely arbitrated line and obliged to do with two sets of machinery and institutions what they, to a great extent, have been doing quite satisfactorily and efficiently with one.

    His Opinion Not General

    "I must, however, frankly state that this opinion is by no means unanimously shared in the Territories and that the proposed action of the government will not call forth much hostile criticism.

    "I must take strong exception to the way in which the subject of education, has been treated, both in the conferences and in the bills. I must remind you of the fact that your proposition was not laid before my colleagues or myself until noon of the day upon which you introduced the bills. Up to that time the question had not received any attention, beyond a casual reference to it on the previous Friday, and I certainly believed that we should have had an opportunity of discussing your proposals before twelve o'clock on the day the bills received their first reading.

    "No such opportunity, however, was afforded as, unfortunately, you were not able to be present at the session when this section was submitted; neither was Sir William Mulock. I feel sure you will acquit me of any felling in the matter other than that such an important subject should have been fully discussed before the bills dealing with it were laid before parliament.

    Educational Matters

    "With regard to the question of education generally, you are no doubt aware that the position taken by us was that the provinces should be left to deal with the subject exclusively, subject to the provisions of the British North America Act, thus putting them on the same footing in this regard as all the other provinces in the Dominion except Ontario and Quebec. I submit that parliament is bound by the provisions of the British North America Act of 1867, in passing the legislation of this kind.

    "The power of the King in council exercising in effect legislative functions of the parliament of the United Kingdom, under the authority of section 146 of the British North America Act in 1867, is restricted by the words: "Subject to the provisions of this act." This restriction must equally apply to parliament exercising the powers conferred upon it by the British North America Act, 1871, which by section 3 of the British North America Act, 1886, must be "construed together" with the British North America Act, 1867.

    Cannot Change the Basis of Union

    "If the King in council is bound by the provisions of the act, in admitting an independent, and consenting colony into the union, it can hardly be contended that parliament has the power to create an unwilling, inferior and imperfect organization. As was pointed out in June 1869, by the Honorable Edward Blake, in the House of Commons, in the discussion upon a proposal to re-arrange the terms of confederation with respect to Nova Scotia; it is perfectly clear on great and obvious principles, that the basis of union settled by the British North America Act is not capable of alteration by parliament. If the provincial jurisdiction can be invaded by positive federal legislation, such as is proposed in this case, what limit is there to the exercise of such a power? Similar restrictions might be imposed with respect to any or all of the matters in relation to which under the British North America Act, 1867, the provincial legislatures possess exclusive powers.

    "The only jurisdictioo [sic] possessed by parliament in this respect is the remedial jurisdiction conferred by sub-section four of section 93 of the British North America Act 1867. The proposed attempts to legislate in advance on this subject is beyond the power of parliament and is an unwarrantable and unconstitutional anticipation of the remedical [sic] jurisdiction. It has, further the effect of petrifying the positive law of the Province with regard to a subject coming within its exclusive jurisdiction and necessitating requests for imperial legislation, whenever the rapidly changing conditions of a new country may require them.

    Previously Admitted to Union

    "On the fifteenth of July, 1870, the Northwest Territories were "Admitted into the Union," in the express terms of section 146 of the British North America Act, 1867. To speak of the provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan, then, being admitted into the union, on the first of July, 1905, is an improper and indefensible use of the expression. The territory included within the boundaries or these proposed provinces were, admitted into the union on July 15, 1870, and immediately upon the creation of these provinces the provisions of section 93 of the British North America Act, 1867, became as a matter of indefensible right, a part of their constitution. Tn [sic] the creation of provinces the term 'province' in that section, interprets itself, and the term 'union' bears the unmistakable meaning which is given to it with regard to the area included in the provinces by the actual language of section 146.

    "The first sub-section of section 16 of the bills is drawn in direct contradiction of this principle. It is an attempt to create a province retroactively. It declares territorial school laws, passed under the restrictions imposed by the Northwest Territories Act to be provincial school laws. It clothes laws imposed by the federal parliament with all the attributes of laws voluntarily made by a new province. It ignores territorial limitations and conditions. It denies facts and abolishes time. It declares what was not to have been, and seeks to perpetuate as existing what never was nor is.

    "I therefore most respectfully demand on behalf of the Territories that the same terms -- and no others -- imposed by the Queen in council on the admission of Price Edward Island and British Columbia, be prescribed in this instance. The draft bill I submitted more than three years ago contains the clause which will be found in the orders of council admitting those provinces. To impose more, or to prescribe less, would I submit be equally contrary to the law and constitution. The clause referred to is as follows:

    The Section

    "On, from, and after the said first day of January, 1903, the provisions of the British North America Act, 1867, except those parts thereof which are in terms made or by reasonable intendment may be held to be specially applicable to or to effect only one or more, but not the whole of the provinces under that act composing the Dominion, and except so far as the same may be varied by this act shall be applicable to the province of ---- in the same way and to the same extent as they apply to the several provinces of Canada; as if the province of ---- had been one of the provinces originally united by the said act.

    "The fact that since the acquisition of the Northwest Territories, parliament has passed certain laws affecting those territories, does not involve the principle that these laws must be perpetuated in the constitution of the proposed provinces. In this respect laws relating to education do not differ from the laws relating to any other subject. To state that the law passed in 1875, with regard to education, must forever limit the power of the province with regard to a very important provincial right, involves the theory that parliament might practically take away all the jurisdiction of a province, shorn of every power which it is supposed to posses under the constitution.

    Purely Constitutional

    "I wish to lay great stress on the fact that this a purely constitutional question, and is not concerned in any sense with the discussion of the relative merits of any system of education. The question is one of provincial rights. It is not the question of the rights of a religious minority, which must be properly, and may be safely, left to the provincial legislatures to be dealt with, subject to the general constitutional provisions in that regard. It is this question of the right of a minority of Canadians in the wider area of the Dominion, to the same rights and the same privileges, the same powers and the same constitution, as are enjoyed by the rest of his fellow citizens; and which they claim to be their inalienable possession under the one and only Canadian charter -- the British North America Act.

    "The first observation I have to make upon sub-section 3, of section 16, is that it is a direct interference by parliament with the right of the province to do as it seems to it the best with its own. I would next call attention to the fact that sub-section three of section 25 of the Dominion Lands Act, which provides that certain revenues arising from the school lands fund, shall be paid annually to the government of the province or the territory within which such lands are situated, toward the support of public schools therein; and the money so paid shall be distributed for that purpose by the government of such province or territory, in such a manner as it deems expedient.

    Sale of School Lands

    "This clause surely creates as inviolable a right in the solemn form of a trust as it is claimed was created by the adoption of section 14 of the Northwest Territories Act which deals with the question of education. Its language is definite and unmistakable. I gather then from history of this section that parliament defined and limited the scope of the section from time to time, always making it more definite and more restricted. In 1872 when the Dominion Lands Act was first enacted, section 22 of the act, provided that it was "Expedient to make provision in aid of education," and set aside certain scribing any particular course of lands for that purpose without pre-procedure in connection there with. When the act was consolidated in 1879, the clause providing for the trust fund was first enacted. It read as follows:

    "Section 23 (3): Provided also that all moneys from time to time realized from the sale of school lands shall be invested in Dominion securities, and the interest arising therefrom after deducting the cost of management, shall be paid annually to the government of the province or territory within which such lands are situated towards the support of public schools therein -- the moneys so paid to be distributed with such view by the government of such province or territory in such manner as may be deemed most expedient.

    Ammended in 1883

    "In the next consolidation of the act, that of 1883, this section was again amended to read as follows, the words added to the former section being italicized:

    "Section 20, (4) sub-section 4: Provided also that all moneys from time to time realized from the sale of school lands shall be invested in Dominion securities to form a school fund and the interest arising there from, after deducting the cost of management, shall be paid annually to the government of the province or territory, within which such lands are situated, towards the support of public schools therein -- and the money so paid to be distributed for that purpose by the government of such province or territory, in such a manner as may by it be deemed most expedient.

    "The changes made especially the introduction of the words 'by it,' show that parliament was evidently anxious to make it perfectly plain that the expenditure of the money resulting from this fund shall be left entirely in the discretion of the province. The broad general term 'education,' after being carried through the consolidations of 1879 and 1883 was left out in the revision of 1886; and there is no warrant for assuming that the words 'public schools' in the act, as it at present stands, mean or include any other schools.

    Fields of the Provinces

    "I therefore wish to express my most emphatic objection to the legislation in regard to this subject. I recognize no power in parliament to make laws for the new provinces in contravention of the letter and spirit of the British North America Act. Further, I recognize neither right nor justice in the attempt to dictate to the provinces of Alberta and Saskatchewan the manner in which they will conduct their own business.

    "I very sincerely regret that it is necessary to give this turn to this discussion and I trust you will believe it is no sense from desire of my own to introduce an inharmonious note into these comments. The new provinces have their own futures to work out, and I deplore deeply the possibility that they may commence their careers torn with dissention upon such subjects as these. It seems to me that a great deal of trouble might have been avoided had we been afforded an opportunity of discussing these proposals, and I feel that I must place on record the fact that we are not responsible for the situation.

    Value of Land

    "Sections 13 and 20 provide that the public domain in each province shall be administered by the government of Canada for the purpose of Canada; an annual grant being made based upon certain varying rates of interest, upon the capitalization of 25,000,000 acres of land at $1.50 per acre. Here again I have to express my dissent from the action taken. By analogy and by the acknowledgement of the principle of compensation contained in section 19, we claim that the provinces are entitled to be recognized as the beneficial owners of the crown domain, and as such their right to administer their own property for themselves is one that should not be taken away without their consent.

    "As to whether or not the terms offered are fair or sufficiently large I am not in a position to judge having no material at hand to enable an estimate to be formed. I have one fact in mind in this connection and it is contained in the statement of the Hon. Clifford Sifton, speaking as minister of the interior, when he said that in one portion of the west alone, the construction of the Grand Trunk Pacific Railway would make some 50,000,000 acres of land available for settlers the value of which was not less than $3 an acre, in which manner he pointed out that the whole cost of the construction of the road might be provided for. This was only in one section of the country. But I am not unwilling to admit that an immediate income, increasing with the population, and certain in amount, may in the long run prove quite as satisfactory as any profitable net income resulting from local administration of the public domain.

    Clerical Errors

    "I think a clerical error has been made by not inserting after the word 'census' the words 'or estimate.' I refer to the estimate between each census contemplated by section 17. There are also errors in the computation of the amounts payable under the last section of the first sub-section, and under the second sub-section. In these cases the first amount should be $1,125,000 and the second should be $92,750.

    "The matter of irrigation, so closely related to the land question, in my opinion stand on a different footing; and I can see no reason why the section in my draft bill transferring the jurisdiction with regard to irrigation to the province, should not have been adopted by you. Irrigation is a local need in every sense of the word, and will confined to one portion of the Territories, and pecularily [sic] therefore, falls in local jurisdiction. The desirability and convenience of local administration in this regard has been already admitted by parliament, by a delegation of the administration of the Northwest Irrigation Act, to the territorial commissioner of public works. The retaining od [sic] the jurisdiction in this case by the federal government is a serious invasion of the provincial jurisdiction in matters of property and civil rights, and is bound to create both inconvenience and friction.

    Selection of Judges

    "The bill does not contain any provisions with regard to the selection of judges for the provincial courts. My draft bill contained the following clause, which is identical in principle with the clause on the same subject contained in the British North America Act: The judges of the courts of the province shall be selected from the bar bar [sic] of the province, or from the bar of some other province, in which the laws relative to property and civil rights, and the procedure of the courts are the same as the province of ----.

    "As the conference has come to an end, and the government has expressed its own opinion publicly in the form of bills, the whole of this matter now has become a subject for public discussion, and I now propose to make this letter public at the very earliest opportunity and not to treat it as an official communication, only to be made public in the ordinary way.

    "In concluding this letter, I beg to express on behalf of the Northwest Government, our high appreciation of the attentive and courteous consideration extended to us by yourself, and the other members of the sub-committee of the council throughout the whole conference.

    "I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

    "F. W. G. Haultain."

    Source: « Haultain's open letter to Laurier », Saskatoon Phenix, 17 mars 1905, p. 1 et 10.
    © Domaine public
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation de The Star Phoenix

  • God Bless Our New Provinces (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Saskatoon Phenix Le 25 août 1905, p. 1

    « God Bless our New Provinces » has been decided upon as one of the chief mottoes to be used at the celebration of the introduction of one-legged autonomy to Alberta and Saskatchewan.

    What could be more appropriate?

    It sounds like the motto above the door of the orphan's home.

    Alberta and Saskatchewan, robbed of their birthright, brought into the world of this great Confederation, crippled, shackled, stamped with inferiority and doomed to eternal discord and strife, adopt the motto only too frequently associated with domestic infelicity, and hang on their cities' walls : « God Bless our New Provinces! »

    The new Provinces can be blessed only by their citizens regaining the liberty of men, of which they have been deprived, not by Providence, but by faithless politicans [sic].

    Mottoes and ikons [sic] will not restore those rights of manhood, but a man's earnest fight for a man's sacred liberty can -- and, if prosecuted, will.

    Source: « God bless our new provinces », Saskatoon Phenix, 25 août 1905, p. 1.
    © Domaine public
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation de The Star Phoenix

  • L'inauguration de l'Alberta

    Article tiré de : La Presse (Montréal) Le vendredi 1er septembre 1905, p. 1 et 8

    La ville d'Edmondton [sic] envahie par les foules qui vont assister à l'inauguration des nouvelles provinces -- Les progrès accomplis en trente ans -- Augmentation sans cesse croissante des colons -- La richesse du pays -- Les voies ferrées

    Les subsides accordés par le gouvernement central -- Comment seront administrées les nouvelles provinces -- Les divisions politiques -- Les premières élections -- Animosité entre libéraux et conservateurs -- La question des écoles

    (De l'envoyé spécial de LA PRESSE)
    Edmonton, 1 -- Notre ville est envahie par les foules qui viennent assister à la cérémonie d'inauguration de la nouvelle province d'Alberta.

    Les hôtels, les maisons privées, ne peuvent contenir cette foule immense de visiteurs. Tous les terrains vacants autour de la ville sont couverts de tentes où les étrangers ont cherché refuge. Les convois de chemin de fer nous amènent des centaines et des centaines de personnes venant de tous les points du pays et des Etats-Unis.

    Le Gouverneur-Général est arrivé hier soir, par un train spécial.

    Les citoyens ont mis la dernière main aux décorations, qui sont

    De toute beauté

    Le plus grand enthousiasme règne partout.

    Les cérémonies d'inauguration ont, de fait, commencé la nuit dernière par le grand concert donné au « Thistle Rink ». Ce concert a été le plus brillant qui ait eu lieu à Edmonton. La salle était comble, et les artistes ont été applaudis avec frénésie.

    Un détachement de la police montée est ici et son apparence martiale est très admirée.

    Il y a trente-cinq ans, lors de l'acquisition des territoires du Nord-Ouest de la Compagnie de la Baie d'Hudson, les seuls blancs qui habitaient ces régions étaient les agents et les commerçants de fourrures, répartis dans une demi-douzaine de postes. A l'heure où les provinces d'Alberta et de Saskatchewan entrent dans la confédération, on compte

    250,000 âmes

    dans chacune d'elles. Vu l'augmentation toujours croissante des colons qui vont s'établir dans ces vastes plaines, il est difficile de dire maintenant quel sera le chiffre de leur population, dans dix ou vingts [sic] ans.

    Avec leurs immenses ressources naturelles, leur population intelligente et active, on peut prédire que les nouvelles provinces sont appelées à jouer un grand rôle, dans du Canada.

    Les destinées futures

    Le gouvernement fédéral, en accordant des pouvoirs provinciaux au Nord-Ouest, a répondu à un désir manifesté depuis plusieurs années.

    La partie des territoires créée en provinces comprend ce qui a été désigné jusqu'à présent sous les noms de : Saskatchewan, Assiniboine, Alberta, et Athabasca, à l'exception de la partie est de Saskatchewan et Athabaska, qui longe la frontière nord du Manitoba. La frontière Est de la Saskatchewan sera la frontière Ouest du Manitoba.

    Athabasca et Alberta qui font partie de la nouvelle province d'Alberta, ont une superficie à peu près égale : l'Athabasca a une superficie de 253,652 milles carrés et l'Alberta, une superficie de 250,119 milles carrés.

    A l'avenir, les territoires du Nord-Ouest, sous la juridiction du gouvernement fédéral, se composeront des districts de Mackenzie, Keewatin et Frankline [sic].

    L'autorité royale

    sera maintenue dans ces districts par la police montée et le lieutenant colonel White sera désigné sous le nom de commissaire des Territoires du Nord-Ouest.

    L'aide financier [sic] accordé [sic] aux nouvelles provinces, par le gouvernement central, est le suivant : pour le gouvernement civil : $30,000, subside, « per capita », $200,000; pour la dette, $405,375; octroi pour remplacer le rachat des terres publiques, $375,000; octrois spéciaux pour les édifices publics, $62,500.

    On estime qu'il y a encore

    25,000,000 d'acres

    de terre qui appartiennent au gouvernement dans les deux nouvelles provinces.

    La constitution accordant l'autonomie aux nouvelles provinces, est dans ses grandes lignes semblable à celle des provinces de Québec et Ontario.

    Le gouvernement des territoires, sous la direction de M. Haultain, était un gouvernement de coalition. Le parlement de Régina comptait 18 conservateurs et 17 libéraux.

    À la chambre des communes, sept libéraux et trois conservateurs représentaient les Territoires.

    La convention du parti conservateur, tenue ces jours derniers, a passé une résolution demandant que les prochaines élections soient faites sur les démarcations de parti. Les libéraux s'organisent en conséquence.

    D'après les termes du Bill d'autonomie, la première élection dans les nouvelles provinces devra avoir lieu avant quatre mois. Il est probable que la date de l'élection sera fixée vers

    La mi-novembre;

    la condition des chemins à cette date étant encore assez bonne pour permettre aux électeurs de se rendre aux bureaux de votation.

    Il paraît admis que les lieutenants-Gouverneurs demanderont à M. Walter Scott, de Régina, et à A. C. Rutherford, de Stratchona, de prendre respectivement charge de la première administration des nouvelles provinces.

    L'organisation conservatrice dans les deux provinces est complétée. L'honorable M. Haultain sera le chef dans la Saskatchewan, et M. R. B. Bennett, dans l'Alberta. L'élection sera très contestée. Il est à regretter que la question des écoles soit amenée dans la discussion et cause beaucoup d'animosité entre libéraux et conservateurs.

    Les libéraux endossent l'action du gouvernement fédéral, qui a décrété que l'état de choses existant dans le Nord-Ouest sera continué, sauvegardant

    Les droits des minorités

    catholiques et protestants [sic] tels qu'ils existent actuellement.

    MM. Haultain et Bennett se font les champions des droits provinciaux en matière d'éducation, et prétendent que le gouvernement central n'avait pas le droit de lier ainsi les mains aux nouvelles provinces; chacune d'elles devant être libre de légiférer sur la matière.

    Les deux nouvelles provinces sont très riches en ressources minières et agricoles, et les voies de communication sont nombreuses. Dans la Saskatchewan, il y a six lignes de chemin de fer qui la relie [sic] avec Manitoba et une avec les Etats-Unis. Bientôt, ces lignes seront continuées jusqu'aux frontières de l'Alberta, où il y a déjà trois lignes du Pacifique Canadien. En plus, cette province sera bientôt traversée par la nouvelle voie du Grand Tronc Pacifique.

    Les deux provinces sont dans un

    État financier excellent,

    elles peuvent regarder l'avenir avec confiance.

    L'inauguration de la nouvelle province d'Alberta a lieu aujourd'hui.
    Son Excellence le gouverneur-général et Sir Wilfrid Laurier présideront à cette importante cérémonie, dont le programme est le suivant :
    Le matin -- Parade des citoyens et des enfants des écoles.
    Revue de la police, au terrain de l'Exposition.
    Présentation d'une adresse civique à Lord Grey.
    À midi juste -- Assermentation du Lieutenant-Gouverneur, l'hon. M. Bulyea.
    Après-midi -- Jeu athlétiques [sic] et Polo.
    Soir -- Bal des citoyens au Thistle Rink.

    Source: « L'inauguration de l'Alberta », La Presse, 1er septembre 1905, p. 1 et 8.
    © Domaine public
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation de La Presse

  • Edmonton had gala day (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Daily Standard 2 septembre 1905, p. 1

    City Did Itself Grand on the Occasion of the Inauguration Ceremonies of the West.

    Edmonton, Sept. 1--The Formal inauguration of Alberta took place at 12 o'clock today. Before that the Mounted Police, to the number of 200, under Commissioner Perry gave a magnificent exhibition drill. They were marched past the Governor at a walk, trot, canter and gallop. They presented a fine appearance, and were cheered to the echo.

    The Commissioner of police then read Governor Bulyea's commission; and the other office was administered by Mr. McGee, clerk of the privy council. A salute of 21 guns then fired. An address was read to the Governor General by Mayor Mackenzie and responded to very happily by His Excellency. An address was read to Mr. Bulyea, and replied to by the new Lieutenant Governor, who made an excellent impression by his earnestness and eloquence.

    Sir Wilfrid Laurier then addressed the people, and was well received. He was followed by Hon. Wm. Paterson and Sir Gilbert Parker.

    It is estimated that 15,000 people are present. Sir Wilfrid addressed the French people in that language. The beautiful weather continues, and the celebration is assured of unequalled success.

    Source: « Edmonton had gala day », Daily Standard, 2 septembre 1905, p. 1.
    © Domaine public

  • Acte de l'Alberta

    Source: « Acte à l'effet d'établir la province d'Alberta et de pourvoir à son gouvernement », (titre abrégé : Acte de l'Alberta), Statuts du Canada 1905, c. 3, p. 77-93.
    © Couronne
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation du Ministère de la Justice

  • Acte de la Saskatchewan

    Source: « Acte à l'effet d'établir la province de la Saskatchewan et de pourvoir à son gouvernement » (titre abrégé : Acte de la Saskatchewan), Statuts du Canada 1905, c. 42, p. 201-215.
    © Couronne
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation du Ministère de la Justice

Colombie-Britannique

  • The Convention (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The British Columbian 26 août 1868, p. 2

    On the 14th proximo, Delegates from, we trust, every District of this wide spread Colony will meet at Yale for the purpose of adopting measures for obtaining the early admission of this Colony into the Dominion of Canada, and, considering the best means for ameliorating the political condition of the Colony. This extraordinary proceeding has been rendered necessary by the hostile attitude assumed by the hybrid legislature, during last Session.

    Our readers are already aware that the Government officials, comprising as they do, two-thirds of that body, took it into their heads that they might lose their lucrative billets under Confederation; and they, therefore, recorded their votes against the change, although compelled to admit that it would be a great boon to the Colony. The first law of our nature is said to be to « look out for number one, » and they came to the unanimous determination to obey that law. Well; they must not think hard of the people if they elect also to obey that law, and take such steps as they may deem most expedient for protecting and promoting their own interests. To suppose that the colonists are going to succumb to a two-thirds official majority and quietly bend their backs to the burden is absurd; and to suppose that the officials will strengthen their position, or improve their chances of continuing in office by thus setting themselves in direct opposition to the wishes of the people, and the interests of the country is equally absurd.

    From the Governor downwards, they must be taught that the public affairs are to be administered in the interest of the people; not, as they appear to think, in the special interest of the officials. The Convention, if judiciously managed, will materially lead to such a result. If the people of every district do their duty, the Convention will be a representative body in a much fuller sense than the Legislative Council can possibly be, under the existing constitution; and, consequently, whatever measures or recommendations may emanate from that body will be entitled to far greater weight than can fairly attach to the emanations of our so-called legislature. The emanations of the one will be emphatically the voice of the people. The other is the mere mouth-piece of the Governing classes. But, in order to render the Convention effective, in order to invest it with that power which no Government dare treat with contempt, the colonists must respond to the call with heartiness and alacrity. There must be no dull indifference shown. No half-heartedness will do in this movement. Nor need it be apprehended. The people understand their own interests too well for that.

    Source: « The Convention », The British Columbian, 26 août 1868, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • Yale convention (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The British Colonist (Colombie-Britannique) 26 août 1868

    THE Confederate League propose holding at Yale, on Monday, 14th September, 1868, a Convention of Delegates, for the purpose of accelerating the admission of this Colony into the Dominion of Canada, upon equitable and beneficial terms, and also, to devise means to secure Representative Institutions with Responsible Government for this Colony; and to take such other steps as the Convention may deem proper to obtain redress of the numerous grievances under which this country now suffers.

    The inhabitants of the respective Districts of the Colony are invited to elect Delegates without delay, to represent their views in the above Convention. By Order of the Executive Committee,

    Source: « Yale Convention », The British Colonist (Colombie-Britannique), 26 août 1868.
    © Domaine public

  • En Route to Ottawa (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : British Colonist (Colombie-Britannique) Le 11 juin 1870, p. 2

    [FROM OUR SPECIAL DELEGATE]
    San Francisco May 19th 1870.

    At 10 o'clock this morning the Active reached her wharf at this city, just five days from Victoria. To-morrow morning at 8 o'clock your delegate will take the cars for Ottawa.

    The day we left Victoria was fine, and we had a pleasant though slow sail down the Straits, meeting the Flying Squadron off Cape Flattery. The Fleet made a fine appearance and for some hours every glass on board the Active was in use scanning the floating embattlements of our country. The weather continued fine during the night, and on Sunday for eight hours we had a fair sailing breeze, after which the wind changed and a stiff sou'wester retarded our progress to the Golden Gate. Our company had the usual amount of seasickness, one of the Government Delegates having a very hard time of it. Our amusements consisted chiefly in catching gulls and watching the whales disport themselves on the bosom of the 'vastly deep.' We were also somewhat amused with the attempts at punning by some of our learned travelers, two of which I can't withhold. The first by Mr. Ring, -- Why are whales the most successful lawyers? Because they are the most successful in actions of ejectment. The second by Mr. Wood, -- Why are the Delegates like whales? Because they are continually spouting, and there is nothing in them.

    The few hours I have spent in this city have enabled me to see a good many old British Colombians, all of whom have a longing to get back, and all seem pleased at the prospect of speedy Union with Canada. A leading merchant of this city remarked to me today, that for the interest of both nations represented on the Pacific Coast nothing could be of such importance as the Union of British Columbia with Canada, for there would be then two strong nations to build up the trade and commerce of the Pacific.

    I take the train to-morrow morning at 8 o'clock. I go by the Rock Island route. The Delegates will leave on Saturday, and we shall probably meet at Omaha, from which place I shall write you again. S.

    Source: « En route to Ottawa », The British Colonist (Colombie-Britannique), 11 juin 1870, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • Confederation complete (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The British Colonist (Colombie-Britannique) Le jeudi matin 20 juillet 1871, p. 2

    To-day, British Columbia passed peacefully and, let us add, gracefully into the confederated empire of British North America. Perhaps it would be more proper to put it thus: To-day the confederated empire of British North American stretches to the shores of the Pacific, "whose limpid waters," to quote the poetic language of Mr. J. Spencer Thompson, "leave in baptismal welcome the brow of the new-born Province which forms the last link in the transcontinental chain -- the last star in the constellation which is destined hereafter to shine so brightly in the northern hemisphere." To-day the great scheme of Confederation in British North America may be regarded as practically complete. It is true that two islands of the Atlantic (Prince Edward and Newfoundland) still stand aloof. But Confederation can get on without them much better than they can get on without it. They will soon be found […] for a union they have thoughtlessly spurned. To-day British Columbia and Canada join hands and hearts across the Rocky Mountains, and John Bell [?] the younger stands with one foot on the Atlantic and the other on the Pacific -- with his back to the North Pole and his face looking southward -- how far we will not now venture to predict. Let the larger political union which we celebrate to-day be symbolic of a union of parties, of purpose and of action. Let the people of this Pacific Province accustom themselves to think of the Dominion as a second edition of Great Britain, and let all learn to regard each other as a band of brothers upon whom has devolved the honor and the responsibility of laying the foundations of empire. There is a feeling in the minds of some that the day which celebrates the nuptials of British Columbia and Canada at the same time celebrates the divorce of the former from the parent empire, and this feeling may tend to damp the enthusiasm of such as are the subjects of it: and we readily confess that, did not ground for the idea exist, we would sympathise with the feeling it is calculated to beget. Not only is there no ground for the idea, but the reverse is actually true. Instead of the union we celebrate weakening those bonds which connect us with the parent empire, it will impart additional strength and vitality to them. It will release us from the red tape and sealing wax of Downing street, it is true -- but then, it will draw us nearer to the throne. It will do more. It will draw together all the peoples of British North America into one common brotherhood and beget a national sentiment, a sentiment more truly British than would be compatible with isolation and discontent. Let the union we celebrate be suggestive of a drawing together, a harmonizing and a nationalizing of all those sometime discordant elements which have culminated in local faction; and while joining hands with Canada in the grand and patriotic work of building up a second British Empire on this continent, let us join hands among ourselves in a friendly but firm resolve to begin our new political life a united and harmonious band for the purpose of making British Columbia -- what Nature designed her to be -- the Queen Province of the Dominion. With one common nationality, one common interest, one object should now actuate every heart and obliterate all those lines created by the factions of the past.

    Source: « Confederation complete », The British Colonist (Colombie-Britannique), 20 juillet 1871, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

Île-du-Prince-Édouard

  • The Union scheme (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Herald (Charlottetown) Le mercredi 12 octobre 1864

    The Canadian Government steamer, Queen Victoria called at this Port on Thursday last, for the delegates appointed to represent this island in the Convention whose deliberations commenced at Quebec on the 10th instant. Our Delegates are Hon. Col. Grey, Hon. Edward Palmer, Hon. W. H. Pope, Hon. T. H. Haviland, Hon. Daniel Davies, Hon. George Coles, Hon. A. A. McDonald, Hon. Edward Whelan. Of this number of our Legislators, Mr. Pope is the only one who advocated an Union of the Colonies when the question of the appointment of delegates was under consideration of our Legislature last Session. All the other members of the Delegation, we believe, were then adverse to an Union, and nearly all of them made long speeches in opposition thereto. Messrs Haviland, Whelan and Coles were particularly loquacious on the subject; the former gentleman declared that he would not vote to have this island united with the other colonies on any consideration, and the two latter gentlemen voted against the appointment of the Delegation of whose number they now form a part. But alas for the firmness and consistency of our politicians, All our Delegates are now, we understand, professed Union advocates.

    What the result of the Quebec Convention may be, is at present difficult to divine; but whatever may result there from, this much is certain, that the whole Delegation affair will cost this Island a very considerable sum of money. We learn that our Delegates receive eight dollars per day each as remuneration for their services, besides their travelling charges and other incidental expenses. And for what purpose is all this expense incurred? Simply for the consummation of an Union which must necessarily entail heavy taxation upon the already impoverished people of this Island.

    The leading features of the contemplated Federation as shadowed forth by some of the Canadian journals in the confidence of the Canadian Ministry, are, that each of the Colonies should have a Local Legislature and Executive, charged with the control of all local matters; and that in a General Legislature and Executive should be vested the control of affairs common to the whole country. Over each of the Local Governments should preside a Governor, as at present; and the General Government should be subject to a Viceroy or Governor General. In the administration of their affairs, the Confederated Colonies would have no connection with the Mother Country, except in matters of legislation immediately concerning Imperial interests. Doubtless, if the Union be consummated at all, it will be something after this form. The minor details, such as the mode of electing members to serve in the different Local Legislatures and in the General Legislature, the matter of appointing the Local Governors and the Governor General, are matters which, of course, the public will not be permitted to know until the secret conference shall have closed its deliberations. Thus, it will be seen, that if this form of Union be carried out, the people of this Colony, besides having to support a Local Legislature and all the paraphernalia of a Local Government, as they do under the present state of things, will have to pay their own Governor and contribute their proportion towards the support of the General Government, the salary of the Governor General and a foreign diplomacy. All the revenue which is now annually collected would be placed at the disposal of the General Government. In order to show our readers what portion of the general revenue this island would receive, we shall quote from the Courrier du Canada of the 30th ultimo -- a Quebec paper which generally expresses the real sentiments of the Canadian Ministry. After observing upon some of the duties which would devolve upon the Local Legislature, the writer remarks; "In order to prevent the difficulties which would arise from the absence of local revenues to meet the expenditure which would be necessary in each Colony for the administration of its internal affairs, a part of the public revenue might be distributed to each Colony for this purpose, in proportion to its population."

    From this it can readily be seen what share of the general revenue this island, with a population of about 80,000, would receive from the Federal Government, which would represent a population of nearly 4,000,000. Besides, if the Confederation would assume a defensive position -- and with a Government independent of the Mother County, it certainly should do so -- it will require to support a standing army and a navy. Over the army and navy, the General Government would of course, have sole-control, and each of the Colonies would have to provide its quota of men and ships. The least that could be expected of P. E. Island would be one ship of war and one regiment of soldiers, and probably much more would be required. -- To give our readers an idea of what the probable expense would be, we shall premise a few general observations. To build the smallest ship in the British navy cost the Imperial Government about £50,000 sterling, without guns or ammunitions of war, and when we add to this sum the pay of the officers and then add the cost of a complete naval [...], the expense of building, fitting out and supporting for [...] ship fit to cope with any of the ships now build in the States, could not be less than £100,000 sterling, and would probably be a great deal more that this sum. With reference to the army, the expense would be proportionably large. In densely populated countries, such as England, and most of the countries on the continent of Europe, where the rates of laborers' wages are low, persons enter the army and navy because of the comparatively high wages they receive in these services; but in the American Colonies, where labor always commands a high price, men could not be induced to enter the naval or the military service for less than three times the amount paid for a similar purpose in England. At the rate of three shillings per day, a regiment of soldiers would receive £54,750 sterling for a year; add to this-say £40,000 sterling -- for their military outfit, barracks, and "creature comforts," and we have £94,750 sterling as the cost of one regiment for the first year. It can be gleaned from this rough estimate -- and we are rather below than above the real cost -- that one ship of war and one regiment of soldiers would cost £194,740 sterling, for the first year, a sum equal to the annual revenue of this Colony for about four years. Of course, the expense would not be so much each succeeding year; but on an average, the expense of supporting one ship and one regiment of soldiers would not be less than £150,000 P. E. Island currency per annum.

    We would advise the advocates for Union, before they proceed much farther with the scheme, to ask the poor tenantry of this Island whether they desire to enjoy the honor of equipping a ship of war and a regiment of soldiers at an expense of £292,125 currency for the first year, and £150,000 per annum "for ever afterwards." But say the sticklers for Union, "The Mother Country will not protect these Colonies much longer, and, therefore, it is necessary that we should be prepared to defend ourselves." Well, we say -- and we think the tenantry of this Island will say, too -- if the Mother Country will not defend the lands of the Proprietors in this Island against any marauding foe that may come along, let the Yankees take possession of them by all means: it is only what they could do against all the naval and military force the contemplated Confederation could support; we will certainly be no worse off then than we are now, and not half so badly off as we will be if this Island be united with her sister Colonies. We cannot help remarking that some of our Legislators are yearning a little too much for the blissful Colonial Union, which they fancy they see looming in the distance, but their constituents may be tempted to say to them by and bye as Lucretius said of the Roman law makers of his time: o miseras hominum mentes, o pectora caeca! -- and send them about their business.

    We shall, at all events, keep our readers posted up with regard to the sayings and doings of the Delegates so far as we can acquire any information thereof.

    Source: « The Union scheme », The Herald (Charlottetown), 12 octobre 1864.
    © Domaine public

  • The Bribe (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Herald (Charlottetown) Le mercredi 14 novembre 1866

    "The Bribe" Knocked into a Cocked Hat: A Regular Break-down! The Quebec Scheme Unalterable!!

    The Islander and the Royal Gazette of last week at length contain the bogus proposition of the delegates, together with the dispatches and correspondence thereon; and the upshot of the matter is that the Canadians repudiate the proposition. The Colonial Secretary, in transmitting the offer to Viscount Monck, concludes his dispatch in the following cautious, non-commital [sic] style:

    "I have taken this course in order to give effect to the wishes of the Delegates now in England; but it must be understood that I do so without expressing any opinion of my own on the subject, as this would be premature at the present stage of the question."

    The Colonial Secretary cannot fail to meet the warm approbation of the people of the Maritime Provinces by his judicious and statesmanlike dealing with the question of Confederation. The contrast between him and his bungling predecessor is as great as is the estimate in which both are held in the Provinces. As much curiosity doubtlessly exists to know the real nature of the offer of the Maritime Province Delegates, we give it in full: --

    (COPY.)

    At a meeting of the Delegates from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick, held at the Alexandra Hotel, London, on the 22nd day of September 1866, all being present except the Hon. Mr. Wilmot, it was unanimously resolved that inasmuch as the co-operation of Prince Edward Island, though not indispensable to a union of the other British North American Provinces, is, on many accounts, very desirable; and as the settlement of the land question, which has so long and so injuriously agitated that colony, would be attended with great benefit, and at the same time place the local Government of the Island, by the possession of the proprietary lands, now on a footing with the other Provinces, which have crown lands and minerals as a source of local revenue.

    Therefore Resolved--
    That, in case the Legislature of the Island should authorize the appointment of Delegates to act in conjunction with those from the other Provinces, in arranging a plan of co-operation, prior to the meeting of the Imperial Parliament, the delegates from Nova Scotia and New Brunswick are hereby pledged to support the policy of providing such an amount as may be necessary for the purchase of the proprietary rights, but not to exceed $800,000.

    (Signed) Charles Tupper
    S.L. Tilley.

    The Canadian government, after discussing the proposition, state that they "do not consider that they have any power or right to consent to the payment of that, or any sum, without the previous consent of the Canadian Parliament, and they, therefore, cannot confer upon their delegates power which they do not themselves possess." Individually, however, they are prepared to make "a strong representation to the first Government and Parliament of the United Provinces, in favor of their granting the compensation agreed upon" by the Delegates. This conclusion proves what we asserted all along, that the Quebec scheme is unalterable. We are glad that the Canadians have squarely met the proposition by a direct refusal, for Her Majesty's Government will now plainly see that Prince Edward Island has good reason for declining to enter the Confederacy. When her reasonable demands are met with denial previous to union, her chances of obtaining justice afterwards are slim indeed. The Canadian Government, more, we fancy, for the purpose of humbugging than for remedying the evil, admit that a grant of $800,000 over and above what is allowed by the Quebec scheme, is nothing but just and fair to this Colony, from its insular position and land difficulty. We have no hesitation in expressing our belief that if the offer were assented to by Canada and the money tendered to this Island as the price of its adhesion to Confederation, a majority might be found to accept it; and should Her Majesty's Government be anxious for all those Provinces to form themselves into a Confederacy, we have no doubt the $800,000, and even a larger sum, will yet be offered to smooth the difficulties in the way of an harmonious union. We have no fear that the expectation of the Canadian Government, as shadowed forth by one of its organs -- the Leader -- from which we quoted last week, when it says that, without the $800,000, Prince Edward Island will soon be drawn unto the Union, "in spite of herself," will ever be realized. The political axiom which the Leader seeks to establish from physical science is rather a dangerous experiment; for if it be true that the attraction of the greater body is more than a match for the power of resistance of the smaller body, then we must admit that annexation is inevitable. "It is a queer rule that won't work both ways."

    It is amusing to observe the effect which the dissent of Canada has upon the editor of the Islander. His lower jaw hangs down at once, and in the most savage mood he snaps and bites in all directions. No wonder; for he has worked himself out of office -- he has played his last trump and lost; but if he imagines he is going to improve his condition by slanderous and ill-natured remarks, he is very much mistaken. He asserts that the recent offer could not bribe this Island. Let him be consoled; for we again repeat our belief that if Her Majesty's Government desires this Colony to unite with her sister Provinces, and, as a compensation for her exceptional position, guarantees good terms, the proposition will be received by a majority of its inhabitants. After indulging in some gloomy apprehensions that no delegation will be sent down from this Colony to the London Conference, and treating us to a homily upon loyalty, the editor of the Islander, somewhat after the fashion of "Lord Lovell," gives three kicks, a groan, then blows his nose, and gives up the ghost in the following manner:

    "We feel that we have discharged our duty to the people -- that we have fairly placed the subject before them, and we shall henceforth refrain from the advocacy of a measure which, notwithstanding its importance, is regarded by the mass of the people as one which render them and their children slaves to Canada."

    This confession and resolution of amendment is like that of a culprit detected in the act of perpetrating some crime and, if allowed to escape, immediately pursues his former evil courses. All the Confederates, now that their schemes are detected, and that a general election is at hand, are prepared to pledge themselves to abandon their pet measure; but how long does the simple leader imagine are they going to adhere to such pledges? Just until after they secure their election; and it therefore behooves the people to select wisely those whom they shall return to Parliament as their representatives. The necessity is greater now than at any time formerly to elect men who are honestly opposed to Confederation, for we believe that, if Canada, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick choose to unite, the Confederate Government will be so mean as to attempt, by annoying and hostile legislation, to coerce this Colony into Confederation; and, therefore, those who will be at the head of affairs require to be men who will thwart such legislation, instead of coinciding in it as was done by the existing Government in the case of surrendering the fisheries, and taxing American flour. Whatever turn the political wheel may take, we trust Messrs. Palmer, Coles, and those other tried men who have stood by their country in time of trial and danger, will not be overlooked or forgotten. They deserve well of their country, and their country should not be slow to recognize their services.

    Source: « The bribe knocked into a cocked hat », The Herald (Charlottetown), 14 novembre 1866.
    © Domaine public

  • The latest terms (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Patriot (Île-du-Prince-Édouard) Le 22 mai 1873

    The Delegates to Ottawa returned home on Tuesday night. The supporters of the government in the city made an effort to get up an excitement on the occasion. The boys had a torchlight procession, and a small bonfire blazed on the square; but there was not much enthusiasm among the citizens generally. A goodly number collected around the fire, near the entrance of the Colonial Building; and at the windows of the Legislative Council and Assembly Chambers as well as on the balcony in front of the Library, not a few ladies were among the spectators. After the Delegates returned from Government House, whither they had driven on coming from the boat, they addressed the crowd from the balcony. As the hour was late, being then between 12 and 1 o'clock, their speeches were brief. Hon. J.C. Pope first spoke, and gave a synopsis of the new Terms. Hon. Mr. Howlan followed and did a little boasting, together with casting reflections on the former Delegates for not asking enough; and Hon. Mr. Haviland concluded the programme by indulging, for a few minutes, in the glory argument.

    The reception was a party affair entirely, and was, we think, not in very good taste. At a time when it is highly desirable that the great question of Confederation should be carried by as large a majority as possible, and with the assent of both parties, it was not prudent to embitter party feeling by a celebration of the kind. The former Delegates accomplished more than did Messrs. Pope, Howlan and Brecken, but on their return they discountenanced aught that would excite party feeling. From a real opposition stand point, we can afford to laugh at the demonstration of Tuesday night, for experience has taught us that such displays are always followed by a reaction which injures the cause they are intended to promote. But those trifles aside, we are glad, for the sake of the future, peace and contentment of the Colony, that every expedient has been exhausted to secure the best Terms of Union for the Island. We only know of one other recourse that can be had, namely, to send the no-terms members, Messrs. Howatt and Holland, on another delegation. As, however, it would be against the principles of no-terms men to seek for even better terms, we suppose that, for the present, nothing more can be obtained. But so far as the Dominion Ministers are concerned, we may remark, that, judging, from their recent change of base, it would not be hopeless to ask them for further concessions, after another few months. But as the Island cannot well afford delay, we have no doubt the Union will be consummated as speedily as possible. After Confederation, should the Terms not work as favorably as most people expect, a readjustment is not impossible. All or almost all the Provinces have already had some change in the financial arrangement first agreed upon, and this Colony, if need be, will not surely prove the only exception.

    But as to the Terms obtained by the last delegation, we do not think they will turn out to be quite so good as was first reported. If we understood Mr. Pope, on Tuesday night, they will come short of an additional $33,000. It seems Messrs. Pope, Haviland and Howlan have procured an increase of $5 per head to the debt with which the Island is permitted to enter the Union. This, for a population of 94,021, will give a capital sum of $470,105, the interest of which, at 5 per cent, will be $23,505. Besides this, we understood Mr. Pope to say that they had prevailed upon the Dominion Government to pay the subsidy to the Telegraph Company, of $2,000 a year. These two sums added will make $25,505. He also spoke about being promised grants for river steam communication, and for certain harbor improvements; but he did not state, as we heard him, that these promises are a part of the written Terms to be submitted to Parliament. Messrs. Haythorne and Laird had a number of such promises also, but so far as they were stated to the public but little account was made of them by the Pope party. All the substantial increase that we can see is the $25,505 a year. This, however is a respectable sum, provided it be not accompanied with some condition that neutralizes its advantages. And though we are surprised at the concession, after the declarations of the Dominion Ministers in March last, we are glad it has been gained for the Colony. It will be found useful, and so would four times as much.

    Now, we have a word to say in regard for Mr. Howlan's statement that the late Government Delegates received all they asked. On Tuesday night he endeavored to convey the impression that Messrs. Hawthorne and Laird had damaged the case of the Island by not asking enough. It is quite a mistake to say that they did not ask for more than they received. The full Minute of Council, on the table of the House shows the Terms which the late Government asked, and for all in that Minute their Delegates strongly pressed. The Minute of Council, of the 2d January last, concludes thus: --

    On this understanding, the Committee of Council desire to ascertain from the General Government of the Dominion whether they would concede to Prince Edward Island, the following terms of Confederation IN ADDITION to the proposals contained in what is popularly known as the Better Terms offered in 1869.

    First. An annual allowance of $5000 in addition to the subsidy proposed to be granted by the better terms for the expenses of the Local Government and Legislature.

    Second. The Dominion to take the Prince Edward Island Railway, and assume its debt not exceeding $3,250,000.

    Third. Take the new Law Courts and Post Office Building at cost, say $69,000.

    Fourth. Take the new Steam Dredge Boat under contract to be completed in the spring, at cost say $22,000.

    Fifth. Allow the Prince Edward Island Local Government to retain any sum which may be awarded by the Fishery Commission under the Washington Treaty, as an equivalent for surrendering the Fisheries of the Colony.

    The caps in the above extract are ours. They show that the terms asked for by the late Government were "in addition" to the terms of 1869. Let us see then how the case will stand: --

    Debt Allowance asked by the late Government.
    Per terms of 1869.

    • Population 1861 - 80,857 at $27.77 per head
      $2,245,398 89

    • Per 2d item Minute of Council - Railway Debt
      3,250,000 00

    • Divided by pop. 1871 - 94,021
      $5,495,398-89

    • Amount asked for by Haythorne & Laird, per head, pop.
      $58.44

    Now, as the Terms obtained by the former Delegates only conceded the Island permission to enter the Union with a debt of $45 per head they received $13.44 per head less than they asked. This would represent a capital sum of $1,264,453, the interest of which at 5 per cent would be $63,222. Messrs. Haythorne and Laird however, obtained a compromise on land, amounting to the interest on $100,000, namely, $5000 a year, which, deducted from the $63,222, makes it clear that the former Delegates asked for $58,000 a year more than they obtained, and, some $30,000 a year more than Messrs. Pope, Haviland and Howlan have been able to procure.

    Source: « The latest terms », The Patriot (Île-du-Prince-Édouard), 22 mai 1873.
    © Domaine public

  • Dominion Day (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Patriot (Île-du-Prince-Édouard) 3 juillet 1873

    On Tuesday, whether for weal or woe, Prince Edward Island became a province of the Dominion of Canada. At 12 o'clock noon, the Dominion flag was run up on the flag staffs at Government House and the Colonial Building, and a salute of 21 guns was fired from St. George's battery and from H.M.S. Spartan now in port. The Church and City bells also rang out a lively peal, and the Volunteers under review at the City Park, fired a feu de joie. So far as powder and metal could do it there was for a short time a terrible din. But among the people who thronged the streets there was no enthusiasm. A few moments before 12, Mr. Sheriff Watson stepped forward on the balcony of the Colonial Building and read the Union Proclamation. He was accompanied by two ladies and about half a dozen gentlemen. The audience below within hearing consisted of three persons, and even they did not appear to be very attentive. After the reading of the Proclamation was concluded, the gentlemen on the balcony gave a cheer, but the three persons below, -- who, like Tooley street tailors who claimed to be "the people of England," at that moment represented the people of Prince Edward Island, -- responded never a word. Most of the shops in the city were shut, and a good deal of bunting was displayed. H.M.S. Spartan, and some of the merchant shipping in the harbor, were gaily decked with flags. At night the Colonial and new Post Office Buildings were illuminated, and presented a fine appearance. A few sky rockets were also fired off from the top of the latter building about 10 o'clock, with good effect. But the most beautiful sight of the day was the illumination of the Spartan, between 91/2 and 10 o'clock. With her ports all lit up, and various kinds of lights in the rigging, she was really an object worth looking at. Not having the faculty of being at two places at the same time, we did not see the grand Volunteer Review at noon, but we understand it was one of the best which has been held for some time. The Volunteers, after they became Dominion forces, and the review over, were treated to refreshments at the Drill Shed.

    About 121/2 p.m., His Honor Lieut. Governor Robinson and staff drove up to the Colonial Building, and proceeded up to the Legislative Council Chamber. There the Colonial Secretary read the commission from the Governor General of Canada, appointing William C.F. Robinson, Esq., Governor of this Island under the Dominion, and also another instrument authorizing Chief Justice Hodgson, and Judges Peters and Hensley to administer to him the oaths of office. This being done with due solemnity, in the presence of the members of the Executive Council, and a very respectable assemblage of citizens, strangers then withdrew, and the members of the Executive Council were sworn in as a Local Government under the Dominion of Canada.

    We have already remarked that there did not appear to be any enthusiasm among the people. Probably no effort the Government could have put forth would have made the celebration of Dominion Day a grand success, but we beg to leave to express the opinion the arrangements were very lame indeed. The public were not notified that the Sheriff was to read the union Proclamation in front of the Building at 12 o'clock, consequently no person was there except two or three people who happened to be passing by at the time. Had one of the "able men" been called upon to prepare an oration for the occasion, and due notice thereof given there might have been a crowd on Queen Square to listen to both it and the proclamation. The Volunteers, too, might have been drawn up on the Square until the ceremony was over; but as the review was at one place, and a dry proclamation, which nobody knew of, at another, it was not as much to be wondered at that Mr. Sheriff Watson's audience was slim.

    The great majority of the people of the Island, it is pretty evident, have accepted Confederation as a necessity. They did not take up the question con amore, and when the day arrived that the union was a fait accompli, they had not a cheer to give. Many of our citizens look upon last night's illumination as but the complement of the one which took place when the Railway Bill was passed. We have a shrewd suspicion that their view of the case is tolerably correct; but now since Confederation is a fact -- since the Island is now part and parcel of the Dominion, the duty of our people is to make the best of their position. We are now with the Sister Provinces in regard to political institutions; let us perform our part so that we may do more than merely keep pace with them in the march of intelligence and reform.

    Source: « Dominion Day », The Patriot (Île-du-Prince-Édouard), 3 juillet 1873.
    © Domaine public

  • The New Political Situation (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Patriot (Île-du-Prince-Édouard) 3 juillet 1873

    After a political existence of about a century's duration as a separate dependency of the British Empire, the future destiny of the people of this Island is now linked with that of the Confederate Provinces of British America. The first day of July, 1873, marks an important epoch in our history, for on that day we cast aside the old Colonial garment, and yielded a prompt and ready obedience to the order in Council founded on the joint addresses from the Canadian and Local Parliaments to Her Majesty, praying that Prince Edward Island be admitted into the Dominion of Canada on the terms and conditions therein set forth. These terms have been so thoroughly discussed, both in the Legislature and press of the Colony since the return of the last and previous delegations to Ottawa, that we do not consider it necessary just now to trouble our readers with any comments respecting them, further than to say that we believe they are admitted on all sides to be liberal to the people of this Colony; and since both the Confederates, and the anti-Confederates have had an opportunity of trying their hands at diplomatic negations before the Privy Council of the Dominion, and neither have been turned empty away, we presume that the people of the Colony are now satisfied that no further concessions in our favor on the part of the Dominion Government be expected. At this particular stage in our development as a people, it may be instructive to take a brief retrospect of the past, and note the various important events that have marked our public progress from infancy to old age. In doing so we find that in common with Cape Breton, Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and a portion of the state of Maine, our Island was baptized and known for a long period under the name of Acadia.

    By the treaty of St. Germain, in 1632, England ceded Acadia to France. That nation divided it into three parts, and placed a Governor over each. For more than a century after that period, the fortunes of Acadia were various, passing from the French to the English, and vice versa, as either country gained ascendancy in the wars. At length, in 1758, being in the hands of the English, a representative assembly was granted by George III, to Nova Scotia, and this assembly seems to have exercised jurisdiction over the whole of the old Acadia. In 1761, a treaty of peace was concluded by the Province with the Indians. A 'great talk' was held, at which both the Legislative bodies and certian [sic] officers were present, the hatchet was buried, and instead of Louis of France, George III was owned as the great father of his tribe. In 1770, Prince Edward Island obtained a separate Government, and fourteen years later, in 1781, New Brunswick and Cape Breton obtained separate Governments also. At this time Nova Scotia proper contained a population of about 30,000 souls. Our first Legislative Assembly, of eighteen members, under Governor Patterson, met in 1773, and our public records date about as far back as 1775. The Island was then known as the Island of Saint John. The Legislative and Executive Councils were one body appointed by the Imperial Government. The population in 1797 was 4500 souls. At the beginning of the present century, the name of the Island was changed from that of Saint John to Prince Edward Island, in honor of the Duke of Kent. At the time the population had increased to 5,000 souls, including Charlottetown, which numbered about 250. In 1803, 800 emigrants arrived from Scotland and laid the foundation of several of our most prosperous and flourishing settlements. In 1839, the Executive and Legislative Councils were separated, and in 1851 Responsible Government was granted to the Island. The events which transpired between that period and the present time, and which culminated in last Tuesday's demonstration, it is not necessary to chronicle minutely; they are fresh in the memory of many of our readers. The various battles in which our politicians have distinguished themselves on the Land, the Union, and the Railway Questions, will, a few years hence, be regarded with as little interest by the people of this Island as the ancient wars of the Roses now are by the people of England. We have entered on a new phase in our political career. The attention of our people will be directed to matters of national as well as local concern, and the men amongst us who obtain seats in the Ottawa Legislature, while giving due prominence and attention to the claims of party, cannot, after the struggle of the coming election, which will to all appearance be fought on the old issues, he expected to engage as keenly as heretofore in local disputes.

    In the Dominion two great burdens will be lifted from our shoulders. The leasehold system of land tenure, which operated as a drag on our prosperity since the first British emigrant landed on our shores, and which the Royal Land Commissioners in their Report aptly designated as the "poisoned garment" that stunted our growth, and doomed us to a feeble and sickly existence -- will, we trust be for ever abolished. The Railway debt, incurred either by recklessness or design on the part of the promoters of that enterprise, will no longer give us any uneasiness, being provided for out of the General Revenue of the Dominion. In addition to these we may class the advantages of free trade with a country whose resources are of almost boundless extent and variety, and are being developed and turned to account by an energetic and enterprising race of men who are our kindred by blood, and by every tie that binds together a nation.

    Source: « The new political situation », The Patriot (Île-du-Prince-Édouard), 3 juillet 1873.
    © Domaine public

Manitoba

  • Insurrection of the French half breeds (Anglais seulement)

    Insurrection of the French half breeds. The Road in Possession of the Rebels

    Article tiré de : The Nor'wester and Pioneer (Winnipeg) Le 26 octobre 1869, p. 1

    What we have so long expected has at last taken place. Ever since the commencement of the last negotiations for the transfer of this Territory to the Dominion of Canada, a few individuals, who no doubt glory in their disloyalty to the Queen and their hatred of the Dominion and all concerned with it; have been exceedingly busy in their efforts to create a spirit of opposition to the proposed transfer among this people. With the English speaking portion they have been eminently unsuccessful, inasmuch as they can read for themselves and have a better understanding of the ins and outs of the whole question than was anticipated by those who were endeavouring to tamper with their loyalty and good sense. Failing here they then turned their whole attention toward our French fellow Colonists, and wherever there was an opportunity and an ear to listen, the occasion was not lost to still them with an almost unconceivable tissue of misrepresentations and lies. The principal misrepresentations were concerning the Canadian System of Taxation; and among the most prominent lies was the assertion that the new government intended to immediately oust the French from their lands and homesteads.

    Coming, as these assertions did, from men of some apparent consequence among us, it is little wonder that they found a number among the French who would believe them and proceed to act upon them. Believing as they do that their informers have told them the truth from motives of friendship and good will, these men have very naturally determined to resist any such encroachment upon their rights. Without inquiring as to the truth of falsehood of what has been told them some considerable excitement began to manifest itself among them ever since the news of the bargain and sale of the Company rights reached us. Reports of various kinds have been flying about as to their intentions in the matter, but as many of them seemed to incredible for belief, we awaited quietly to see what the termination would be; relying upon their innate good sense when they should calmly think the matter over.

    Week before last they dispatched a couple of agents among the English-speaking portion of our people who live upon the Red River below this place. We were down immediately after, and found that they had not met with a single sympathizer along the whole line of their peregrinations. A flying rumour then began to prevail that the French intended to stop Gov. McDougall whilst en route to the Settlement from Pembina and to prevent him from coming in at all, unless indeed he would accede to a long list of demands, the most of which are too preposterous to entertain, and many of which he will not have the power to grant. This report, apparently of so serious an aspect, created little excitement, inasmuch that it was not credited. But intelligence of an unmistakable character reached this place on Friday last. On that day information was laid before the authorities, and sworn to in the form of an affidavit, that the French were already in arms upon the road between Stinking River and Pembina. That such of them as took an active part in the uprising were adopting every precaution to intercept Mr. McDougall on his way in. They were fully organised and were sufficiently under military discipline to throw out scouts upon all the approaches to the Settlement from the South; and to post pickets and sentries at night. These fellows had billeted themselves upon the inhabitants at their various places of rendezvous. They were divided into three parties of about twenty or thirty in each. These parties being stationed at Stinking River , Scratching River and near Pembina, severally.

    Source: « Insurrection of the French half breeds », The Nor'Wester and Pioneer (Winnipeg), 26 octobre 1869, p. 1.
    © Domaine public

  • Manitobah! (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Montreal Gazette Le 11 juillet 1870, p. 4

    BISHOP TACHE ON HIS RETURN TO OTTAWA.
    Satisfaction of the Riel Legislature with the Manitobah Bill.

    GREAT ENTHUSIASM AT FORT GARRY.
    Inhabitants Anxious for the Appearance of the Troops.

    THE BISHOP'S MISSION
    Its Supposed Aim.

    A PARDON FOR RIEL AND THE RECALL OF THE EXPEDITION.

    TORONTO, July 9. – Despatches from St. Paul say that on the 23rd ult., a special session of the Legislature was held, at which M. Richot reported the result of his mission to Canada; it was then unanimously resolved -- "That the Manitobah Act should be accepted as satisfactory, and that the country should enter the Dominion on the terms specified in the Manitobah and Confederation Acts." At the conclusion, the Legislature parted with loud and enthusiastic cheers.

    Bishop Taché reached St. Paul last night. He says the Manitobah Bill was received with much satisfaction by Riel and the people; that there is no foundation for the report that Riel was raising a force to attack the expedition, and that all the people desire to see the troops at Fort Garry to insure security and protection. He said that no danger was anticipated from the Indians, but there was a feeling of uneasiness among the settlers. He does not think the expedition can reach Fort Garry until September. There are twenty-six portages between Fort William and the Lake of the Woods, and the swamps make traveling very bad, and it will be necessary for the soldiers to rebuild roads as they come along. He does not think that artillery can be taken across the country. Bishop Taché also says that Riel is glad of a peaceful settlement of the troubles, and willing to overcome any personal ambition that may have tempted him if for the good of his country. He will welcome the new Governor, turn over the Government to him, and retire into private life. He is satisfied with the expedition now on its way west because it is under much more honorable auspices than was Macdougall's arrival as governor of the people of the North West. Mr. Taché left St. Paul yesterday for Ottawa. The object of his mission is not known, but it is supposed he goes to show the Dominion Government the uselessness of sending a Canadian expedition of the magnitude of the present one through to Fort Garry and to procure a pardon for Riel.

    Source: « Manitobah! », Montreal Gazette, 11 juillet 1870, p. 4.
    © Domaine public

  • Acte du Manitoba

    Source: « Acte pour amender et continuer l'acte trente-deux et trente-trois, chapitre trois, et pour établir et constituer le gouvernement de la province de Manitoba », Statuts du Canada 1870, c. 3, p. 20-27.
    © Couronne
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation du Ministère de la Justice

Nouveau-Brunswick

  • The Canadian visit: the trip to Fredericton (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Saint John Morning Telegraph, le 10 août 1864, p. 2

    The Trip to Fredericton (By our own Reporter.)

    Fredericton, Tuesday Morning.

    The Canadians left St. John on Monday, at 8:30 A.M., by special train for Rothsay, many gentlemen from the City going out that distance for the purpose of seeing them off. A number of ladies, also from the neighboring villas, lent an air of refinement to the scene, where the Anna Augusta lay along side of the wharf with steam up to convey us down the Kennebeccasis and up the St. John to Fredericton. About 10 the boat started, while the crowd on the wharf gave three times three for our guests, which was returned by the party on board by a hearty answering cheer. As we steamed along the shore and past the mouth of the Milkish, the beautiful scenery appeared to much advantage and was of course much admired. The Canadians, in fact, seem to be willing and anxious to admire all they see, and even the small portion of our Railway which they traversed came in for a share of praise. I heard the opinion expressed by many that they had no where in America passed over so smooth a road. Doubtless their lively recollections of the Grand Trunk helped them more to appreciate the superiority of our line. If we had been favored with the choosing of the weather we could not have made it more favorable for all the purposes of our trip than what we had on Monday. The sun was bright, but not too glaring - the heat gently softened by the summer breeze, and the fleecy clouds which hung in the sky above us seemed but the shadows of the glorious earth. We soon left the Kennebeccasis behind us and turned into the St. John -- the beautiful St. John -- the river of promise -- New Brunswick's richest artery. As we ran along the rugged banks which line the river for several miles, it is possible that some of the Canadians began to doubt the truth of what they had heard of the beauty and fertility of the land on the St. John, but when after a time the lands along the river began to expand into intervale, and broad tracts of level meadow lined either side, their exclamations of surprise and admiration were frequent. They had no idea of the fertility of the Country, and had never believed that such land existed in British America anywhere out of Canada. Indeed the river seemed to have put on its best dress for the occasion, and never looked better. The Band of the 15th Regt. being on board we were treated to sweet music in abundance during our voyage, and those who desired something wherewith to tickle the palate and cast a glow of pleasure o'er the soul, were treated to something stronger. A number of French Canadians enlivened the trip by singing French songs; and those who took an interest in the study of European history were delighted to hear the Marsellaise Hymn sing in the original French. I believe I am safe in saying that no National song, with the exception of our own Anthem, has ever possessed a power equal to this, and as we heard its strains we could not but think of the days in which the same words and music roused the people of Paris into phrenzy and begot in their minds that hatred of their rulers which deluged the finest city of Europe in blood for so many years.

    Never merrier party went up the St. John than those on board the "Anna Augusta." The hours slipped so pleasantly away amid the ever varying change of scenes we scarce were aware that they had passed. Beautiful fields, verdant meadows and luxuriantly wooded hills beyond, were ever and anon coming in view, and the Canadians never seemed to tire of the prospects so pleasantly placed before them. Wood boats and smaller craft passed us coming down the river with the wind well aft, and much surprise was expressed at the huge loads they carried. As we got to the foot of the Long Reach we saw a steamer far ahead of us; we passed her before she was quite up to Oak Point, but instead of proving, as we supposed, the Indian Town boat, we found she was only the "Magnet," an old tug. She puffed and tried pretty hard to keep up to us, but it was no use -- we left her hopelessly behind.

    At Gagetown the Hon. S. L. Tilley, Pro. Sec., the Mayor, the Sheriff, the Speaker of the House, Post Master General, Surveyor General, Board of Works, Queen's Printer, D. McPherson, Esq., Dr. Dow [...] John Ferris [...] W. Carman, James Hogg, Jas. S. Beek and John Richards, Esquires, came on board. They had come from Fredericton that morning for the purpose of meeting and welcoming the Canadians.

    At the Oromocto, we passed the "Heather Bell" with the Lieutenant Governor on board -- and had a long race with her. -- We did not make much out of her, however, and she was not more than half a mile behind us when we reached the Celestial City; but out of respect to the Governor, however, we letter [i.e. let] her pass us when near the wharves. We also passed one of the Board of Works' steamers. Not a very fast one, however, for she happened to be a dredging machine. She was at anchor and did not attempt a race with us, probably out of regard for the Board of Works who was on board of the "Anna Augusta."

    We reached Fredericton at 5.30. There was a great crowd to see us and a great rush to the Hotel. The Volunteer Artillery fired a salute.

    Reception in Fredericton

    The Fredericton people deserve much credit for the manner in which they got up their part of the entertainment for the Canadian visitors. When it is remembered that they had but a short time to prepare for their reception, and have not the same facilities at their command as St. John, the reception they gave them will not suffer in comparison with that of our own city.

    Dinner was to have been ready at the Legislative Hall by 7.30 p.m. on Monday but as the visitors spent some time in looking through the library and other rooms in the building, proceedings were not fairly commenced at the table until 8.15. And here I may state in passing, that I heard several Canadian gentlemen praise the good taste the people of New Brunswick show in not going to the expense of erecting new Parliament buildings at present, and although I cannot see the matter exactly in that way, I give the expression here.

    At dinner the Mayor of the City acted as Chairman, supported on the right by the Hon. Mr. Ferrier, and on the left by the Hon. T. D'Arcy McGee. The Provincial Secretary presided at the foot of the table, having on his right L. Donaldson, Esq., and on his left the Hon. B. Wier, from Halifax.

    After the clatter of the knives and forks had somewhat subsided, the Chairman rose and proposed the first toast --
    The Queen -- Which was drunk with all the honors, with the Regimental band playing; after which Mr. McAuley, from Quebec, sang "God Save the Queen" with great taste, the whole company joining in the chorus.
    2. The Prince of Wales and the Royal Family.
    3. The Governor General.
    4. The Lieutenant Governor -- Responded to by Mr. Tilley, who regretted that circumstances prevented the Governor from attending, as he had been desirous of doing.
    5. The Army and Navy -- Responded to by Mr. Brooks of the 15th Regt.
    6. Our distinguished Guests -- Band playing "For he's a right good fellow." Responded to by Hon. Mr. Armand in a speech in French, but which we do not give, as it might not be intelligible to the majority of our readers.

    Mr. McGee's Speech

    Mr. McGee then rose and delivered a most powerful and telling speech, which was rapturously applauded. Of course I do not pretend to report it fully - enriched as it was by that racy humor and felicity in anecdote and illustration for which the Hon. Gentleman is so distinguished. He always, he said, felt at home in New Brunswick, and always spoke of its people to the Canadians as our fellow countrymen in New Brunswick. He had several times before visited it, and always found a warm welcome. He was very little entitled to the credit of getting up this auspicious meeting between Canada and New Brunswick, (which belonged much more to St. John and Mr. Ferrier), but he believed it was one which would go further towards the consummation of the much desired Union between the Provinces than anything which had yet taken place. Canada had not forgotten the noble conduct of New Brunswick during the Trent affair in the hour of danger -- how she had feasted and feted the soldiers sent to defend her sister Colony -- and sent them through with such despatch that but a few days elapsed between their landing in New Brunswick and their arrival at Quebec and Montreal. These provinces were destined yet to form a mighty nation. Their present exports and imports mounted to not less than $100,000,000, as much as those of Great Britain in the beginning of the last century. The time was soon coming when all the artificial barriers which now separated us would be broken down. The policy of Champlain, the first and greatest of Canadian statesmen, the founder of the City of Quebec, would yet have [to be] pursued. Champlain said at that remote day that it was necessary to have a basis of coast line to the Colony, and not a mere interior line which admitted of imperfect communication during certain seasons. Canada was beginning to feel this now, and the policy of Champlain would have to be carried out. The Canadians were a people proud of their name and nationality, for they came from that grand stock in which the blood of the Norman, the Saxon and the Celt had been fused together, and which had produced a race that for 800 years had resisted and repelled every foe. -- He believed and hoped that these Provinces were not destined to fall into the rapacious maw of a military democracy, -- that indeed would be an undesirable end. They could boast of a freedom which was real and not fictitious; which knew no distinction between man and man, but accorded equal rights to all. Our youth should be educated to believe that they were not merely New Brunswickers or Nova Scotians, but British Americans; and if this were more the case the small partizan feelings which divide us would perish, as the glorious light of the sun will sometimes put out the dying embers of a half extinguished fire. British America would then become a great nationality, possessing a Constitution which would reconcile law with liberty and security with freedom. -- What we first wanted and most wanted, was to know more of each other. He was told to-day of the case of the son of a leading Canadian who having gone up for his examination before the Military Board, and being asked where was the river Styx, answered "somewhere down in New Brunswick." He could not say that the present delegation were open to the reflection implied in the anecdote, but there was no doubt great absence of knowledge in each Province as to the extent, resources, and prospects of the other. -- What we next want is unity of interests with unity of institutions -- a society which could appeal to the imagination and the heart of youth, which would make the native of the valley of the St. John feel that under the flag of his birth he was still at home in the valley of the Saskatchewan. -- We were already free -- all we wanted was security -- we had liberty, we must acquire stability. -- The conference at Charlottetown would be called upon to show if this were possible -- if here in the true free North, we could build our new Society on the old foundations, so as to reconcile law and liberty, and create an example of a government at once powerful and free, for the benefit of our own posterity, and the instruction of the New World.

    The Chairman said that in bringing forward Mr. McGee they had evidently "struck ile." He then proposed: -- "Our Sister Colonies" -- Responded to by Hon. Mr. Wier, of Halifax, and Hon. Mr. Moore of Canada.

    Mr. Welsh then sung [i.e. sang] the "Maple Leaf."

    The Bench and Bar of British North America: -- Responded to by Mr. Duggan, Q.C., of Canada, in a witty speech. He rather rapped Mr. McGee over the knuckles about his being the youngest member of the bar present -- and having had only one case which he had gained, however. This brought Mr. McGee to his feet. He said he had a great respect for silk gowns when they were on the proper sex. He explained the case Mr. Duggan referred to, which was a small matter -- only in reference to a man shooting his wife! He proved that he had the small pox at the time and appealed to them as married men to acquit him, which they did. Mr. McGee said he had been so busy saving the country he had no time for any other case -- and the company could judge what a task he had to save a country which contained such members of the bar as Mr. Duggan. This was rather hard on Mr. Duggan but was thought an excellent joke and taken in good part.

    The Colonial Press: -- Responded to by Mr. Fenety, Queen's Printer, and Mr. McAuley of the Journal de Quebec.

    Mr. Ferrier then proposed "The Mayor and Corporation of Fredericton," to which the Mayor responded giving his first speech in English and afterwards in French.

    The administration of New Brunswick -- Proposed by Mr. Walsh; was responded to by the Hon. Mr. Tilley, who on rising was received with loud and continued applause.

    Mr. Tilley's Speech

    He said if he consulted the comfort of the guests he should say few words, and content himself with thanking them sincerely and heartily, as he did, for the honor done to himself and colleagues. He and they felt it not as a compliment specially paid to themselves personally, but to the people of New Brunswick through those who occupied the foremost political offices in their gift. In that spirit he accepted it, and as a member of the Executive and the Legislature returned them thanks. If ever a man desired to make a favorable impression on his hearers by speech-making, it was when a candidate went before his electors to solicit their suffrages, but he felt now a still stronger desire to possess the necessary eloquence to persuade and convince his hearers. For this was an occurrence and a meeting destined for good or evil to influence largely the future of these Colonies. He had heard many expressions of gratitude to himself from Canadians at the kindness shown them since they came into the Province. The gratitude was due, as Mr. McGee had truly said, to the Chamber of Commerce of St. John, and specially to the venerable chairman of that body, for thus bringing them so happily together. He felt a great interest in seeing a better understanding grow up between the Colonies. He felt it not only now, but had felt it -- had been strongly convinced of the necessity for it -- ever since he visited Toronto in 1851. In that year he visited Canada, and when in the city of Toronto visited the News Room and searched there in vain for a copy of any New Brunswick newspaper. Mr. Wier had found one Nova Scotia newspaper at Montreal, but he could fine none in Toronto from New Brunswick, until he sought it at the residence of a former New Brunswicker -- so little was the intercourse then between the Provinces, so little did western Canadians care to be informed of current events in the Colonies. It was not then as a favor conferred by New Brunswickers on the Canadians that he regarded these entertainments, but it was a favor to them that prominent men in both branches of the Legislature of Canada should come here to learn for themselves, and he hoped hereafter to take an interest in the people of New Brunswick -- their affairs, their progress. And he felt it of especial importance -- perhaps of greater than any -- that the representatives of the press should be there in such large numbers: for it was they who must disseminate the information now gathered among the people of Canada. They must mould the public opinion and enable legislators to carry the people with them, or induce the people to compel their legislators to adopt a correct and enlightened policy. All who had labored in New Brunswick to make the reception accorded worthy of their guests felt amply repaid by the gratification derived from their society; but there was not only pleasure to be reaped -- there was a patriotic purpose to serve, and that purpose could not be more effectually promoted than by the method adopted by the Chamber of Commerce, by bringing the representatives of the people in Parliament from Canada to see for themselves the kind of country this is, the progress it is making and the resources it possesses; to bring here representatives of the business community to find out how more extended trade relations could be formed and commerce increased; to bring here the men of the press to furnish them with information, and ask them not to paint New Brunswick or New Brunswickers better than they are, but to tell the honest, sober truth about us. As a member of the Government it would perhaps be improper for him to enter upon the discussion of a question there which it would be his duty to deliberate upon and discuss elsewhere -- the proposed political union of the Provinces, but he might properly speak of the need for the diffusion of further information about the trade of the country, and the need for increased and improved means of communication. While the apathy in Canada was such as he had described it, the most intense interest on this subject was felt throughout Maine and in Boston and in New York. They desired to extend business connection and increase the trade with New Brunswick, and thus men living under the same flag and owing a common allegiance to one sovereign, were less united in many respects than men living under different governments. He had endeavored, whether the proposed political relations should be established or not, to promote intercolonial trade. When Canada proposed to create an exceptional free trade with the Sister Colonies, the Imperial Government had overruled the proposition. Then the New Brunswick Government had set to work, and procured the co-operation of Nova Scotia and Prince Edward Island, and upon their representations the Imperial Government was induced to grant leave to the colonies to make such trade arrangements among themselves as they deemed best. The Colonial manufacturer was thus granted a privilege denied to those of the Mother Country itself -- i.e. free entry for their wares into each colony. But in considering the subject among themselves they found difficulties in the way of these agreements, in the way of obtaining tariffs to facilitate the interchange of goods. There were differences of burdens which influenced the nature of the tariffs of each colony. To get a common tariff a common legislature was needed. In the approaching Conference, if no other union was worked out with Canada, at least they might establish a commercial union -- and he had long ago suggested that if no common legislature should be established, the members of the several governments should meet informally once a year to compare notes, to see what could best be done in common, and to submit the necessary measures to their respective legislatures to carry their decisions into effect. But he had also failed in that. They had only held one such meeting at Quebec, when they deliberated upon the subject of the Intercolonial railway. During the twenty years past these colonies had doubled their population, and more than doubled their wealth and commerce. In twenty years more at the same rate, they would have a population of 7,000,000. Would it be desirable -- would it be tolerable, that they should be cut up then as now, into petty fragments, and not form one great country which united might be powerful, of which all might feel proud? That was a question which the statesmen of to-day were called upon to consider -- for which they must find an answer. He could not of course say what the answer now would be; but he was certain that if Nova Scotia, New Brunswick and Prince Edward Island were now united in one Province no man would propose to separate them again. When New Brunswick was divided from Nova Scotia there were no railways and no steam navigation and the difficulty of reaching the capital from the more distant ports of the Province led to a demand for division. With a railway which would allow a person to leave Halifax on one day and reach Quebec the next, these reasons for division would disappear. There was another reason for a closer union. Great Britain would doubtless ask and might reasonably ask us as we increased in population and wealth, and he believed we should be willing to concede that we should make fuller provision for our own defence; and that defence could be much more effectively provided for if made out of the common united resources of all British North America. As statesmen they should look forward to bind together the Atlantic and Pacific by a continuous chain of settlements and line of communication, for that he believed to be the destiny of this country, and the race which inhabited it. And therefore it was that he had been among the warmest advocates of the Intercolonial railway. And united the internal trade of that vast country must be very great in a few years. With the United States our trade was embarrassed and to some extent cut off by a hostile tariff, and must continue to be so. But as the free interchange of the produce of the several States had contributed so much to build up the riches of that country, so doubtless a similar freedom of interchange would give a fresh impetus to every branch of trade and Industry among ourselves. With such resources as we would then possess, backed by the power of the greater, and most enlightened of countries the world has ever seen, who would venture to set bounds to the future of this Northern portion of the North American continent? For his part, he would acknowledge, despite the check of official reserve, he desired and hoped to see this union. But whether it came or not, New Brunswick had desired to show to her elder and greater sister that she was worthy to be a member of the same family -- to win her affections if she could, but at all events to compel her respect. -- [Loud and prolonged cheers.]

    He stood as the representative of New Brunswick between the representatives of the two Sister Colonies, and he would now join hands with them, (which he did, suiting the action to the word and graspeing the hand of Mr. Ferguson, of Canada, on the one side, and Mr. Wiers, of Halifax, on the other,) and he trusted that they would remain one and forever inseparable. - Renewed applause.

    Mr. Daly then sang a French Canadian song which was well received by the company.

    Mr. Rawlings proposed a volunteer toast -- "The Ladies of the sister Province."

    Mr. Wallbridge was called upon to respond. He said he did not know why he had been selected unless it was because he had always been an advocate of representation by population. He praised the ladies of New Brunswick, although he said he had not seen as much of them as he should have wished.

    Dr. […] also spoke on the same subject, and from the able manner in which he handled it I should judge it to be one with which he was quite familiar.

    Mr. Hathaway also made a speech, in which he informed by company that he was a modest young man and various other matters too numerous to mention. He concluded by proposing "The St. John Chamber of Commerce."

    Mr. John Boyd responded. His speech was a combination of good stories, told in his usual happy manner, ready wit, and natural eloquence. He spoke of the future which was in store for New Brunswick and all the North American Colonies, if they were only true to themselves, and concluded with an eloquent peroration on liberty.

    Mr. McKellar, of Canada, also spoke, and gave numerous statistics in reference to the greatness and wealth of Canada.

    At one o'clock the party separated, after singing "Auld lang syne," and "God save the Queen." This ended one of the most pleasant and orderly dinner parties that ever was assembled in New Brunswick. Every person was delighted, and although during the evening, the opening of champagne bottles seemed like the rapid discharge of musketry, every one retired in good order.

    Next morning the guests were driven to the University, Cathedral, Exhibition Building, and several other places of interest, and at 10 A.M. all repaired to Government House, where the Governor held a levee. After the guests had been presented His Excellency spoke as follows:

    Lieut. Governor's Speech

    Gentlemen, -- I rejoice that my return to New Brunswick should have taken place at a moment which enables me to take part in the welcome which you have here received, whilst I regret that the late period of my arrival should necessarily preclude me from evincing, as I should have desired to do, that no other inhabitants of the Province can be more anxious than myself to render the period of your visit one of which the retrospect may dwell long and pleasantly in your minds.

    I trust that this visit may not only be productive of pleasure to yourselves and of increased good will between the inhabitants of the sister Provinces of this continent, but that it will also tend to accelerate the arrival of that day when no longer kept apart by separate interests, no longer divided by conflicting tariffs and discordant laws, the people of British North America shall be united citizens of one mighty state -- strong, great and prosperous and contented -- free, whilst staunchly loyal -- loyal, though truly free.

    To you, gentlemen of this Province, who have come to welcome my on my return, I desire to say that although my visit to my native country and my family has been one of unmixed pleasure, it gives me the utmost satisfaction to find myself once more in this my western home.

    Corporation Address CORPORATION ADDRESS

    At 10.50, the Corporation of Fredericton presented an address to the Canadians, of which the following is a copy.

    To the Honorable […] the Members of the Legislative Council and Members of the Legislative Assembly of Canada.

    The Address of the Mayor and Corporation of the City of Fredericton.

    We have, gentlemen, much pleasure in extending to you the right hand of fellowship, and giving you a sincere and hearty welcome to this our small but loyal city. As fellow subjects of the same mighty Empire, and enjoying alike the blessings of self government and constitutional freedom, we trust that this, your visit to our Province, is but the precursor to a better acquaintance, and to a more intimate connection; and that the time is now at hand when, through the medium of the "Iron Horse," our mutual visits will become matters of every day occurrence, and be conducive to the mutual interests of these British North American Colonies. -- On behalf of the Corporation of the City of Fredericton.

    (Signed)

    John A. Beckwith, Mayor,
    John L. Marsh, City Clerk.

    Canadians' Reply.

    The Hon. Mr. McGee replied as follows:

    Mr. Mayor and Gentlemen, I am requested by the Hon. Mr. Ferrier, on behalf of the Upper House of the Canadian Parliament, and by my colleagues of the House to which I have the honor to belong, to express to you and the citizens of Fredericton their grateful sense of the extraordinary, and universal kindness which has been shown us since our arrival in this City. We cordially reciprocate on our part, Mr. Mayor, the wishes you have expressed for a more intimate intercourse between these provinces, and we hope that the present visit may be considered as an auspicious commencement to such an intimacy. I believe it is intended by the Canadian party to take some fitting moment before passing on their way into Nova Scotia, to give some more full and formal expression of the sense of obligation to our brethren of New Brunswick than any impromptu words of mine can convey.

    But before I close I think I can say for us all unitedly, that we hope arrangements to enable both the representatives of your municipal and legislative bodies, the representatives of your hospitality as well as of your franchise, to return us this visit in Canada. Should you do so I think we who are here may venture to assure you that one and all Canadians, of all origins, and all parts of our Province, would endeavour to show you by better evidence than words how deeply your present reception has sunk into our hearts and memories.

    By 11.30 most of the company were on board the "Anna Augusta," and a few minutes before twelve we were steaming away from the Celestial City. Everyone was more than satisfied with the reception, and among the reminiscences which our Canadian friends will cherish of New Brunswick, that of their visit to Fredericton will not be the least pleasing.

    The Provincial Secretary and other members of the Government accompanied us down as far as Sheffield. The Mayor of Fredericton was also of the party, and will accompany the Canadians to Halifax.

    On the way down the Canadians gave us some specimens of French songs, and the time passed very pleasantly. Mr. Boyd also, who was on board, kept the company in a roar with his admirable Irish stories and his excellent rendition of Lord Dundreary.

    Source: « The Canadian visit: the trip to Fredericton », Saint John Morning Telegraph, 10 août 1864, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • Concerning the grand union (Anglais seulement)

    Source: « Concerning the grand union », Saint John Morning Telegraph, 16 septembre 1864, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • The dinner at Quebec (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Saint John Morning Telegraph Le 24 octobre 1864, p. 2

    The apartment, better known as Russell's Concert Hall, had been most tastefully decorated for the occasion. Flags were suspended from the balcony at the upper end of the room which was occupied by the band; and the walls were covered with a profusion of bright bunting relieved by wreaths of evergreens placed at intervals. Immediately beneath the gallery appeared the words "Intercolonial Railway" encircled with a tastefully woven garland. At the lower end, painted in corresponding style was the sentence "Welcome to our Guests". Along the wall on one side were the names "Nova Scotia", "Prince Edward's Island". and the other "Canada", "Newfoundland" and "New Brunswick" – all beautifully wreathed. These, with "Union is Strength" and "Ships, Colonies and Commerce", made up the decorations of the room. The tables were very well arranged. Two long tables occupied the sides of the apartment, while in the centre there were three smaller tables. One of these was allotted to the members of the press and was an excellent position both for seeing and hearing.

    Sir Richard Mc Donnell, Lieut.-Governor of Nova Scotia, Hon. Mr. Brown, Hon. Mr. Archibald, M.P.P. of Nova Scotia, and Mr. Huot. M.P.P. for Quebec East, sent letters of apology, being unavoidably prevented from being present.

    Mr. Joseph, President of the Board of Trade, occupied the chair. On his right sat Col. the Hon. H. Gray, President of the Executive Council of Prince Edward Island, Hon. Mr. Tilley, Secretary of New Brunswick, and Hon. Sir E. P. Tache, Premier of Canada. On his left was the Hon. Mr. Tupper, Provincial Secretary of Nova Scotia, the Hon. Mr. Carter, of Newfoundland, the Hon. J. A. Macdonald, and the Hon. Mr. Gray, of New Brunswick.

    The Vice-Chairman, Mr. Scott, had on his right the Hon. Mr. Johnston, Attorney-General of New Brunwsick, the Hon. Mr. Haviland, of P. E. Island, and the Hon. Mr. Steeves, of New Brunswick; and on his left Hon. Mr. Henry, Attorney-General of Nova Scotia, and the Hon. Mr. Galt, Finance Minister of Canada.

    Mr. Stevenson had charge of one end of the Vice-Chairman's table, and Mr. Lee of the other. On either hand of the latter sat Hon. Mr. Mitchell, M.L.C. of New Brunswick, Hon. Mr. Langevin, Sol.-Gen. L.C., Mons. A. Gauthier, Consul Gen. of France in Canada, Hon. Mr. Fisher, M.P.P. of New Brunswick, Hon. Mr. Mowatt, Postmaster General of Canada, and Hon. Mr. Gingras M.L.C. for Stadacona Division.

    At the smaller tables in the centre of the room Messrs. Grant, Clint, Fry and Dunn presided, and among the guests at these tables were -- Hon. Mr. Mr. McGee, Minister of Agriculture of Canada. Hon. Mr. Coles, M.P.P. of Prince Edward Island, Hon. Mr. Palmer, Attorney General of Prince Edward Island, Hon. Mr. Chandler, M.L.C. of New Brunswick, Hon. Mr. Pope, Colonial Secretary of Prince Edward Island, Hon. Mr. Carling of London, C.W., His Worship the Mayor of Quebec, Baron Falkenberg, Con. Gen of Sweden and Norway.

    There were numerous other tables and a host of guests, merchants, lawyers, editors and others. On offering the toast "Our Guests, the Delegates from the Maritime Province," the Chairman an said that --

    The merchants of Quebec had reason to feel a legitimate pride that they had here, as their guests, this evening, gentlemen occupying such a high position in the sister provinces, assembled in this city in order to discuss a highly important subject. (Cheers.) And while the merchants of Quebec did not think they were called upon to express an opinion on the question of confederation itself, they all heartily desired some change in our present position -- they desired a through commercial union -- they desired that the unequal and hostile tariffs of the several provinces should disappear. (Cheers.) We wanted one tariff instead of five. We wanted a commercial union in order to bring about closer ties, and we wanted that union under one flag -- the flag of old England. (Loud Cheers.) We wished, too, that this union should be strengthened still further by the iron ties of the Intercolonial railway. (Cheers.) It had long been the habit to call the maritime colonies by the name of the sister provinces; but notwithstanding this appelation [sic] they were strangers to us and we were strangers to them, as was shown them by the diversity of the tariffs. But let us hope that a new era was about dawning upon us, now when we saw the great statesmen of the B. N. American provinces assembled in this city, in this month of Oct. 1864 -- let us hope that if we did not obtain a political union, we should at least have a commercial union. (Cheers.) A vast number of our people were interested in ship building, and he was glad to know that it was a highly important interest among the inhabitants of the Lower Provinces also. Referring to the Reciprocity Treaty, he might say that it was not framed with any particular view to the interests of the eastern section of the Province; but we were as willing to stand by it as others, and when the proper time came we should unite with Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Newfoundland, and Prince Edward Island and say that we should also have free trade in shipbuilding. He would now propose the toast of the evening -- "Our Guests, the delegates from the Maritime Provinces" and he spoke the wish of the merchants of Quebec, when he said he trusted the delegates would receive this small compliment to themselves in the same open, cordial, unreserved spirit in which it had been tendered. (Loud cheers.) Mr. Tilley, of New Brunswick, Dr. Tupper, of Nova Scotia, Col. Gray, of P. E. Island, and Mr. Carter, of Newfoundland, responded.

    Mr. Tilley's Speech

    Hon. Mr. Tilley (Secretary of New Brunswick) said the reception of the toast was complimentary to the delegates; but they could not take it all to themselves; it must rather be looked upon as the hearty endorsement of the great subject they were discussing. The delegates from the Lower Provinces were not here seeking this union. They had assembled at Charlottetown a few weeks ago, in order to see whether they could not extend their own family relations, and then Canada intervened, and the consideration of the larger question was the result. He considered it right to make this remark, inasmuch as it had been asserted in certain quarters that the Maritime Provinces, weak and impoverished, were -- endeavouring to attach themselves to Canada, in order to reap the benefits arising from such a union. This was not the case. Look at the immense amount of shipping they owned. He was in a position to state that, for the year 1864 , after paying the interest on all their debts and after providing liberally for roads, bridges, and other public works, they would have a surplus of half of million. (Cheers.) Therefore they were not coming in as paupers -- they were coming to put something into the capital that was worth having -- Next, alluding to the Intercolonial Railway project, he said their feeling on this subject was: "We won't have this union unless you give us the Railway". (Cheers.) It was utterly impossible we could have either a political or commercial union without it. With regard to the latter, he might say that he had at one time believed with others that we could have commercial without political union; he now held with his hon. friend the Premier of Nova Scotia (Mr. Tupper) that it was all but impracticable, as was easily shown by the question of tariffs to which the hon. gentleman had referred. Without going into details, he might say that it was the opinion of the Conference that union was desirable if the details could be satisfactorily arranged. Of course, in making these arrangements we should have to have due regard to the wants, requirements and even in some degree to the prejudices of the people. Even in the Lower Provinces the tariffs acted adversely to each other. He asked them as commercial men, was it desirable that this state of affairs should continue. (Cries of "No." "No.") He saw no other way of obviating those difficulties except by a political union. He would not now refer at say great length to the defence question, inasmuch as he had here the gallant colonel from Prince Edwards Island (Col. Gray.) who had made it his special study. He would however, remark that the anxiety respecting the subject of defence in New Brunswick was not intense among the masses of the people. This was because the population was very small, and the people felt that their individual effort would be useless. But throw the three hundred thousand souls of New Brunswick in with the population of Canada and the other provinces, making a total of four or five millions; and twice as much in the way of a defence contingent might be obtained from New Brunswick; because the people would feel that they were part of a great nation. (Cheers.) If details could be satisfactory arranged it was advisable we should be united in one great Confederation. Look for instance at the example offered by Canada. Since the Union of Canada its population had increased from a little over a million to two millions and a half. He hoped for the best; and with the intelligence of which the Conference was composed, he trusted they would overcome all difficulties; and that they would soon meet in Quebec, Montreal, and Ottawa to consummate the union. (Laughter and cheers.)

    Source: « The dinner at Quebec », Saint John Morning Telegraph, 24 octobre 1864, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • The new dominion (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Saint John Morning News 1er juillet 1867, p. 2

    Edward Willis, Editor
    Monday Morning

    For good or for ill we this day enter upon a new and most important phase of our political existence. No longer isolated from contiguous Sister Colonies, an intimate union with whom, a common origin, a community of interests, a substantial similarity of political institutions and political predilections have combined to suggest, we start upon our new career with all the omens favorable to our success.

    We cherish high expectations of future prosperity for the New Dominion. We anticipate a vast development of manufacturing industry, a wide extension for our shipping and commerce, and a rapid increase to our population. The resources of the Dominion are varied and great; and the spirit of its people will rise to a level with their position and their opportunities. The Dominion will make for itself a name in the world worthy of the honored stock from which its people sprang. Its sons, always proud of their ancestry, will soon grow proud of their country.

    We expect this glowing future to be wrought out by no magic unknown to other people who have been wise to profit by the advantages which have fallen to their lot. On the contrary, we rely upon the solid virtues of manly industry, of active enterprize, of political and commercial forethought and of sagacious combination for the common good, operating on the wide and favorable arena which union will secure, to work out for us all the marvels which we venture to predict.

    We do not suppose that we shall have nothing but sunshine along the pathway which we are about to traverse. Far from it. There will be pestilence sometimes to decimate our households. There will be blights and mildews and army worms and kindred evils to famish our fields. There will be floods to drown our meadows and tempests to sink our ships. Cruel wars, let us hope they will always be distant from us, will interrupt the course of trade; and commercial revulsions will slacken the sinews of labor. From the common lot of mortals there is no escape within or without the Union.

    There will be a strenuous demand for high intelligence and sterling integrity to guide safely and skillfully the helm of state. The old fashioned virtues of industry, frugality and honesty will have a wide scope to shew how prosperous they will make any people who faithfully cultivate them.

    Brought face to face with the grave responsibilities of our new position, let the clamors of faction die out. Let the friends and the foes of a Union that is now consummated to do their utmost to make it an unspeakable and lasting benefit to their common country. We trust the day is not far distant when the Union will amply vindicate itself to the perfect satisfaction of those now the most hostile to its claims and the most doubtful of its prospective advantages.

    Source: « The new dominion », The Saint John Morning News, 1er juillet 1867, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • The nation's birthday! (Anglais seulement)

    Extrait de : The Saint John Morning News 1er juillet 1867, p. 2

    Let our voices be heard on this glorious morn
    In anthems of joy, for a NATION is born;
    A companion for her who rules o'er the wave--
    The foe of the tyrant--the friend of the slave.

    Born--not 'mid the battle-field's carnage and woe,
    Where father and brother and friend are laid low;
    Borne away on the breast of the crimson-dyed wave
    From the glory of life to the gloom of the grave.

    Her form rises not from the ashes of death,
    Her brow is untouched by war's pestilent breath;
    Crime breathes not the air which refreshes her life,
    And ne'er has she gazed on the red flag of strife.

    But the sword which has slain every foe in her way,
    Severs not the dear ties of fond hearts in its play;
    It leaves not a dark stain of horror behind--
    'Tis the bright sword of TRUTH--the weapon of MIND.

    It flashed in the sunlight of earth's dawning hour,
    And gleaned 'mid the darkness of tyranny's power;
    Dark compacts of wrong it has severed in twain,
    And guarded the goddess of RIGHT in her reign.

    And ne'er has it conquered in error's dark night,
    Or swift put the foes of progression to flight,
    With such effortless power as it conquers to-day,
    And CANADA draws her first breath 'neath its sway.

    Yes, our Nation is born on the bosom of Peace;
    May her glory grow bright and her power increase;
    O'er her head may no cloud of adversity rise,
    But smooth be her pathway and stormless her skies.

    And O may that God whom the Heavens doth hide,
    Be our country's defender, her guardian and guide;
    That CANADA ne'er from her seat may be hurled
    'Till she falls in her might with the fall of the World.

    Chatham July 1st, 1867. MELVILLE.

    Source: « The nation's birthday! », The Saint John Morning News, 1er juillet 1867, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

Nouvelle-Écosse

  • L'affaire du Chesapeake

    Article tiré de : The British Colonist (Halifax) 22 décembre 1863

    [Traduction libre]

    Samedi dernier, l'énervement dans la ville était à son comble. En effet, ce n'est que ce jour-là, dans la matinée, qu'on apprit que trois hommes avaient été arrêtés illégalement au port par les officiers des canonnières fédérales, et qu'ils avaient été remis aux autorités locales, conformément à une requête faite par le gouvernement. À mesure que la matinée avançait, on en apprit davantage sur les circonstances de cet outrage. Ainsi, on apprit que l'un des hommes avait été capturé d'un navire britannique à Sambro; que les deux autres, des jeunes gens respectables de la ville, des ingénieurs, avaient été embauchés une journée ou deux plus tôt pour s'embarquer sur le Chesapeake; que l'on avait tenté de les emmener aux États-Unis; et qu'après leur retour au port on avait soigneusement caché l'affaire aux autorités jusqu'à ce que des amis des jeunes gens en question les en eurent informées pour obtenir leur libération.

    Nous présenterons rigoureusement les faits tels qu'ils se sont produits. Au moment où les Fédéraux saisissent le vapeur, ce dernier se ravitaille en charbon à une goélette accostée au port de Sambro. Ceux qui venaient de le capturer, à l'exception de Braine, qui n'est pas présent, sont attablés pour le petit déjeuner. C'est à ce moment que la canonnière fédérale Ella and Anna déhale en leur direction en fonçant sur eux. L'équipage se rapproche des berges et s'y réfugie, abandonnant les deux jeunes ingénieurs de Halifax, trouvés seuls à bord du Chesapeake au moment de sa capture par les Confédérés. Après la fuite de l'équipage, les jeunes gens hissent le drapeau de détresse, au moment seulement où la canonnière se trouve à 100 verges du Chesapeake. Les Fédéraux montent immédiatement à bord du vapeur, saisissent les deux jeunes gens de Halifax et leur passent les menottes. Par la suite, les Fédéraux abordent et fouillent la goélette de charbon accostée et y trouvent l'un des hommes de Braine, Wade, qui est malade. Ils l'arrêtent et l'emmènent, s'emparant en même temps de plusieurs malles trouvées à bord de la goélette. Après s'être emparé du Chesapeake, les deux vapeurs filent et rencontrent le vapeur fédéral Dacotah, dont le capitaine est plus haut gradé que le capitaine de l'autre canonnière. Les trois navires entrent en même temps au port de Halifax dans l'après-midi du même jour (jeudi dernier).

    Les Fédéraux n'ont entrepris aucune démarche pour rendre compte de l'affaire aux autorités locales jusqu'à ce que, finalement, le commandant reçoive une requête l'intimant de donner les noms des navires sous son commandement, la raison de leur visite, et les circonstances dans lesquelles le vapeur Chesapeake avait été sorti du port de Sambro et amené ici par des navires de guerre appartenant à la marine américaine. Notre compte rendu a déjà donné l'essentiel de ce que rapporta officiellement le capitaine du Dacotah. Le drapeau de détresse du Chesapeake aurait attiré la canonnière vers ce dernier (une déclaration qui contredit les faits, puisque le drapeau n'a été hissé que lorsque la canonnière ne fut qu'à une distance de tir de mousquet du vapeur); les Fédéraux auraient trouvé cinq membres de l'équipage à bord. Mais dans leur déclaration écrite et verbale, ils ont volontairement omis de dire que trois de ces hommes, décrits comme étant des membres de l'équipage avant sa capture par les Confédérés, sont à ce moment-là à bord de l'une des canonnières, les menottes au poignet. Ce n'est que le lendemain que les autorités apprirent qu'un homme avait été enlevé de force d'une goélette britannique dans un port anglais, et qu'il était illégalement détenu sur un des navires, avec deux autres hommes. Dès lors, on avisa le commissaire de bord Cleary, du Dacotah, qu'aucun navire de guerre américain ne serait autorisé à quitter le port avant la fin de l'enquête. Peu de temps après, Cleary fit savoir aux autorités qu'il leur remettrait les prisonniers.

    On l'informa par la suite que le shérif en chef de Halifax, M. J. J. Sawyer, serait sur le quai Queen à 1 h le lendemain (samedi) pour attendre les hommes et qu'à 2 h, le même jour, le capitaine O'Brien de la goélette des douanes Daring prendrait officiellement en charge le vapeur Chesapeake au nom du représentant de la Reine.

    Samedi avant midi, le commissaire de bord Cleary envoya une lettre au Gouvernement pour lui transmettre la correspondance entre lord Lyons et l'honorable M. Steward et lui demander s'il y aurait quelque changement dans la décision du Gouvernement. Il se fit répondre que l'administrateur supérieur ne voyait aucune raison de changer la décision communiquée antérieurement.

    Le capitaine O'Brien reçut donc livraison du Chesapeake à 2 h; vers 1 h 30, un bateau arriva du Ella et Anna avec trois hommes. Ils avancèrent sur le quai, surveillés de près, menottes au poing, condition dans laquelle le shérif en chef refusa de les recevoir. L'officier responsable libéra les prisonniers de leurs menottes. Après avoir lu les papiers nécessaires, le shérif déclara que les hommes étaient libres.

    Nous décrirons en détail une scène survenue immédiatement après la libération des prisonniers, scène qui souleva beaucoup d'émoi et qui mérite force commentaires.

    Au cours de tous ces événements, personne ne s'intéressait à un bateau amarré au quai qui tanguait, et aux deux hommes à bord qui auraient bien pu revenir du marché au poisson juste en face. À l'instant où le shérif annonça que les hommes étaient libres, quelqu'un qui se trouvait tout près de Wade pendant la lecture des documents lui dit de sauter dans le bateau, et avant qu'on ait eu le temps de se rendre compte de ce qui arrivait, le bateau se trouvait déjà à deux ou trois longueurs du quai. À cet instant, un policier fonça dans la foule et intima aux hommes du bateau l'ordre de s'arrêter. Sortant son pistolet de sa poche, il leur cria que s'ils refusaient d'obtempérer, il les abattrait. Deux ou trois hommes s'interposèrent alors pour nuire au policier, et le bateau s'échappa avec Wade à son bord.

    Au cours de la matinée, le vice-consul des États-Unis avait reçu, paraît-il, le mandat d'arrestation préliminaire émis en vertu du traité d'extradition qu'il avait demandé au Gouvernement. Le juge en chef avait déjà émis un mandat contre Brafoe, mais avait dû le retirer, selon les termes de l'Acte impérial qui stipule que seul un juge de paix, et non un juge de la Cour suprême, peut agir en pareille situation. C'est pourquoi l'on fit appel au maire, qui, sur la foi des dépositions faites par des membres de l'équipage du Chesapeake, émit un mandat d'arrêt contre Wade. Ce dernier fut confié au chef de police pour recueillir sa déposition. Selon nos sources d'information, l'officier chargé de cette mission avait reçu l'ordre du vice-consul de laisser circuler Wade après sa libération, décrétée par le gouvernement, pour montrer qu'il était libre, avant de procéder à son arrestation. Wade se trouvait déjà hors d'atteinte lorsque l'attention de l'officier, qui était loin de se douter que son protégé s'échapperait par la voie des eaux, se tourna vers le bateau en fuite.

    Source: « L'affaire du Chesapeake » (traduction libre), The British Colonist (Halifax), 22 décembre 1863.
    © Domaine public

  • The Canadian visit (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Halifax Citizen Le 13 août 1864, p. 2

    The programme for the entertainment of our distinguished Canadian and New Brunswick visitors, has so far proceeded satisfactorily. Yesterday the principal arrangements were under the auspices of the Royal Halifax Yacht Club which held its annual "Hodge Podge" dinner up the Basin. About eleven o'clock, A.M., the trim and dashing yachts gaily dressed with bunting assembled off the Queen's wharf together with the Revenue Cutter Daring, and the commodious steamer Mic Mac which had been obligingly placed at the disposal of the Committee for the accommodation of the public guests. As it was evident that the fleet of yachts and the Cutter would require some time to beat up the harbor against the fresh and bracing breeze, the steamer instead of proceeding at once to the general rendezvous at "Prince's Lodge," turned down the harbor for a trip up the Northwest Arm. The crowd of strangers on the deck had then a splendid opportunity of seeing Halifax harbor to the best advantage. The run up the Arm was delightful -- the views of handsome new villas, lawns, and groves on its romantic banks affording much gratification to the spectators, who were also supplied with more substantial entertainment by several attentive Aldermen and members of committee. The Fine Band of the 16th regiment was on board -- and it is not too much to say that the bandmen during the day entered fully into the spirit of the occasion, and showed the most polite readiness in answering all the musical requirements of the fete. Several of the French gentlemen also chanted some of the gay choruses with which the voyageurs keep time to flashing oars on the rivers and Lakes of Canada, and the ringing echo's of which are as familiar to the rocky banks of the St. Lawrence as the murmur of ripples at their feet. Some of these French refrains had a most inspiring effect on the singers, they swung imaginary paddles from side to side of invisible canoes, gesticulated, clapped their hands on the breasts and shoulders of their neighbours -- and during the performance of a piquant little melody all about one " Mademoiselle Marianne," they hugged each other so affectionately and laughed over so many bars in succession that the admiring audience caught their enthusiasm and at the end thanked them with a tumult of applause hand-clapped, back-slapping, and cries in very indifferent French of "Merci, Merci, Messieur." 'Nous thankez' -- vous tres much indeed !" "Jolly Good Fellow, Johnny Kanuck" -- and several similar etceras.

    Returning from the downward trip the steamer made a short stay at the Queen's wharf and again proceeded with her holiday freight to "Prince's Lodge." As the boat passed the noble flagship Duncan, hearty cheers were given for his Excellency the Vice Admiral who had given so warm a welcome and such magnificent entertainment to our visitors. Three cheers were also given to Capt. Gibson -- and the band played "Rule Britannia" and the "National Anthem." Meantime the yacht fleet had beat up to the common destination, making a most charming appearance as they raced with snowy sails across the sparkling blue waves, over which the wind was tossing crests of white foam. On tack after tack they stretched, sweeping gracefully under the breeze like a flock of swans seeking their island nests. The adverse breeze was positively an advantage, for it showed the strangers that in running up the harbour the fleet was not confined to the narrow fortuous limits of a mere channel but could run with confidence across the watery field from shore to shore. The yachts were all at their moorings when the steamer reached, and the party on board the latter immediately disembarked, and in long procession, headed by the band, marched to the scene of festivities. This as our readers are aware was the attractive demesne formerly owned by, H. R. H. the late Duke of Kent, father of the well beloved Queen, and owned in later years by Mrs. Gore, the novelist. Here long tables covered with the sumptuous preparations for the feast were arranged in the open green; and on the long grassy terrace in the rear, manly and exhilarating games were vigorously carried on. Leap Frog was a special favorite, and we trust that our warm-hearted, gentlemanly French friends heard with good humour the jesting compliment to Monsieur Crapeau every time, that they took back with such admirable agility […] the Bluenoses to their mettle to follow the active Frenchmen's lead. By the way, one little frog did appear on the ground looking very much astounded at the sight of so many human fellows having nothing better to do than imitate him and his kindred, in what Froggy must have thought an absurdly awkward fashion, especially when some special correspondent went sprawling to grass alarmingly near him. He was saved from being crushed however, by a thrifty gentleman, who "spotted" him in a way different from that pursued by nature, and put him tenderly in his coat pocket, in order, if he escaped suffocation, to carry him home and set him down among slugs and caterpillars in the garden. Among the quoit pitchers was a clergyman who surpassed all his competitors, but whom we will not name for the same reason as that given by Mr. McGee in alluding to this clerical player's success, "because the report of his quoit pitching abilities might interfere with his perferment, and knock his hope of a mitre into a cocked hat".

    Soon the summons to dinner brought in happy party round the simply turn sled tables, where social enjoyment and good fellowship was more substantially promoted. After the repast was finished Commodore Wallace gave the usual loyal toast, "the Queen," which was received with enthusiastic cheers, and the singing and playing of the National Anthem. Another bumper followed amidst undiminished enthusiasm, is to our Canadian and New Brunswick Guests." for which Hon D'Arcy McGee briefly returned thanks. Just as he concluded his acknowledgements, the arrival of His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor and lady McDonnell was […]. The whole party gave them a hearty and yet respectful greeting, which her Ladyship received with graceful affability that charmed all hearts. His Excellency intimated that he was there as the patron of the Yacht Club to present the Prince of Wales Prize Challenge Cup to the last winner of it Capt. N.G. Smith, H.M. 17th Regt. His Excellency's speech in making the presentation was most felicitous in tone. He spoke of the maritime aspects and advantages of Nova Scotia, as he had seen them during his recent coasting trip -- the national value of aquatic sports as a maritime power, -- the appropriateness of the princely gift to the Yacht Club from the heir to an ocean empire--and the pleasure he felt in handing over the prize to the winner, Capt. Smith, who represented the owners of the successful yacht "Thought," received the Cup with a neat speech in reply to his Excellency -- making generous mention of H.W. Alhro, Esq, Secretary of the club, who, by his skillful steering contributed so much to the yacht's success. After the presentation Sir Richard and Lady McDonnell withdrew, accompanied from the grounds by the officers of the Club, and His Worship the Mayor.

    Some more songs from the French gentlemen drew a good speech from Dr. Tupper, which again drew on a magnificent address from Mr. McGee, and that drew in its turn a third speech equally eloquent from Mr. Howe. Their audience listened to these gentlemen with the most positive gratification. Piper Paterson with his winsome pibroch music next took the ground and several clever Scotsmen danced the Highland Fling. The mayor of Fredericton entered the ring and danced down the friskiest carle of them all, and followed his first rate reel by a first rate speech. Mayor of Fredericton, you are a regular brick, as clever, as humorous, as nimble and honest an old gentleman we know. May the people of Fredericton be always sufficiently alive to the estimable qualities of their worthy magistrate, and the Mayor's truly final him doing as much credit to their admitted management, as he did yesterday. There and in the evening was marked by the same humorous and agreeable proceedings that took place in the outset -- and with songs, music, and harrah, the party got home in the pleasantest style imaginable, no accident, no instance of excess, no bitch in the arrangements having occurred Commodore Wallace and the Yacht Club, as well as their distinguished guests, may really enjoy the remembrance of the happiest excursion we have had for years.

    To-day's Trip to Waverley.

    Owing to the circumstances connected with the late accident to the Vesuvius, the Vic. Admiral was unable to place the Buzzard at the disposal of the Reception Committee, until Monday, and accordingly the Committee arranged for a special train to carry the guests to Waverley diggings. The party started at 11 a.m., to-day, and had an interesting time inspecting the Gold mines and other works at Waverley. The crusher at the Germantown diggings was in operation, giving them an opportunity of witnessing the process of extracting the gold from the rock. The works at Waverley and Germantown were inspected, and almost every one obtained a "specimen" of more or less value. About half past two the party, numbering over fifty gentlemen, returned by railway to Richmond, where they found no carriages to receive them, and consequently had to walk into town.

    At four, there was a fine turnout of the Fire Department, and the several engines, handled by the fire brigade, proved at once the remarkable efficiency of that body and the Waterspouts which shot hissing from the hose high over the housetops.

    To-day's programme will end with a superb Banquet this evening in the drill-room.

    Source: « The Canadian visit », Halifax Citizen, 13 août 1864, p. 2.
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  • The Colonial Convention (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Morning Chronicle (Halifax) Le 10 septembre 1864, p. 2

    CHARLES ANNAND, Esq.
    Sir, -- In a previous letter I gave you a brief history of the Conference now holding its sittings here, and of the proceedings so far as I was enabled to collect them, having first separated, as my judgment best dictated, what I apprehend was the chaff, and mere chaff, from the wheat -- gossip from reality.

    The Conference sits daily now, from ten to three, without interruption or adjournment. Yesterday morning, before the hour of business, they all repaired to the lawn in front of Government House, and were photographed in a group, by an artist named Roberts, from St. John. Some wag remarked that he thought they would discover that "the Conference was sold."

    But to resume. It is difficult, as previously intimated, to furnish the public with any entirely reliable information, and the reader must remember that what I am about to narrate is probably rather an approximation to facts, than themselves. Perhaps I could not do better by way of further introduction, than give you a few extracts from the Examiner, an Island paper, published by Edward Whelan, Esq., a member of the Opposition in the Island Legislature. In his last number, speaking editorially, he says:

    "We are quite certain that Charlottetown was never honored, on any occasion, by the presence of so many distinguished visitors as at present reside within and in the vicinity of its quiet borders. The delegates from Canada, New Brunswick and Nova Scotia comprise the ablest men of those Provinces, several of who have earned for themselves a North American reputation, as wide and as envious as that which falls to the lot of many European statesmen. While we are meeting them all, face to face, every day, it would be most invidious to single out for complimentary notice any particular member of the conference. We will only say, take them all in all, they are a class of men of whom British America has no reason to be ashamed. They are earnestly anxious to make themselves acquainted with the public men of this Island -- to witness for themselves the attractions which nature has lavished upon it everywhere -- to see our people in all moods and phases of life, and to fraternise with them right heartily. We have everything to gain and nothing to lose by cultivating the kindly feelings with which our Province visitors have come among us. That the sisterhood of the Provinces will form themselves into a great nation, is merely a question of time -- that they have all the elements of making a great nation, admits of no question at all. The statement and public writers of Great Britain are constantly urging upon us the necessity of a Union of some kind, which would greatly lessen the charges upon the Imperial treasury, as every part of their civil list would then have to be paid by the Colonists themselves, and as they would have to provide for the maintenance of their own military and naval forces. England, evidently, is not willing that we should remain much longer as we are. We, ourselves, begin to see that we must change our condition. We discern the necessity for Union in a thousand forms; we see it in the want of uniformity in our tariffs; in our customs regulations; in our currency. The want of Union stares us broadly in the face when we feel ourselves tossed and tumbled about on the billows of local sectional strife, at the mercy of unprincipled political wreckers, eager to plunder the little bark of state for their own personal aggrandizement, and the fiercest and foremost of whom are, we are ashamed to say, those who wear the parson's gown. We see the want of a Union that that will elevate us to a higher standard in political life -- that will stretch our mental vision beyond the narrow bounds by which we are circumscribed, and save our public men from the low intrigues and paltry cunning by which they scramble their way into the little offices which merely afford them common laborer's wages, dignified by the name of salaries."

    Mr. Whelan, who it is here supposed is largely inspired by Mr. Coles, the leader of the Opposition in the Lower House, and who is a member of the Conference, then proceeds as follows:

    "The views of the gentlemen now in Conference, representing all the Provinces -- or the views, at least, of a majority of them – assume this shape: Each province to retain its own Government, nearly as now constituted; the numbers of members in the several Legislatures may, without detriment to the local interests, be reduced; the Governor would cease to be a servant of the Crown, doing the bidding of the Crown -- he would be elected by the people, paid by them, and accountable to them for his conduct; the expenses of the Civil Lists, and those entailed by a Provincial Army and Navy, would devolve upon the Provinces, which should pay according to their means and population. Each Province should provide for the payment of its own debt, and one Province not be taxed for the payment of another's debt. Each should contribute its proportion towards the expense of a Central Government and Central Parliament, in which all the Provinces would be represented. Whether this representation would be regulated by area and population, or whether each Province, the small as well as the large, would be entitled to send the same number of representatives, is a matter of detail which can only be settled by the separate Provincial Legislatures, or by future Conventions, such as that now sitting here. England's connection with the Colonies would be represented merely by having a Viceroy to preside over the deliberations of the United Government. He would have no power to check local legislation in any way; he could not suppress the action of the Federal Legislature unless it interfered with imperial interests -- all matters relating to intercolonial trade, commerce and military defences -- railways and maritime steam communication -- light houses, currency, and postal relations -- emigration -- settlement of wild lands -- land tenures, when they possess a provincial character as they do here -- uniformity in the system of education -- all these things would come under the supervision of the Confederate Legislature, and the then so-called Colonial Minister in Downing Street would have no more right to interfere with our mode of managing them than the man in the moon."

    From what I can gather, I am apt to think that some portion of this extract is wide of the mark. If the Maritime Provinces, instead of uniting legislatively, adopt the Canadian project of a confederation, either as one legislative body or as at present, three - and it is said the Canadians are agreed as to either mode, -- but allowing the whole three the status and representation of one, -- in either case the public debts, I apprehend, are to be shouldered by the federal government, and consolidated, and the several governments to give up that portion of their respective revenues derivable from customs and excise, reserving, however, their crown lands, mines and minerals -- in other words, the casual and territorial revenues -- for local purposes.

    As regards representation, it is the better opinion that in the Lower House it will be by population; in the Upper House, as in the American Senate, by an equality of voices from Upper and Lower Canada, and the Maritime Provinces as a whole; that is to say, suppose the Upper House should be composed of sixty members, then Upper Canada would have twenty, Lower Canada twenty, and the three Maritime Provinces twenty among them -- the scheme to embrace Newfoundland also, at a ratio approximate to this.

    Up to this morning, since the first day of meeting, the Canadians have met with the delegates. To-day, however, I notice that the Conference is proceeding in their absence. The prevailing opinion is, that the representatives of the Maritime Provinces are discussing the subject of union among themselves, either in the abstract of in relation to the confederation. If they can see their way clear to enter the confederation without hazarding their separate interests and being overborne by the upper provinces, I am apt to think, after all, that the idea of a legislative union of the three will be suspended, at all events for the present. The effort of accomplishing the double organization -- both a legislative union of the three and a confederation of the whole at once -- would probably tax the powers of human effort too heavily. Either operation involves a shock that must necessarily unsettle existing organization to a large extent. But I cannot as yet sufficiently well inform myself t speak with any degree of certainty as to what is even probably on this point. The Examiner, you will perceive, gives a classification of the subjects which would come under the supervision of the Confederate Legislature. I am apt to think that this is rather an imperfect list. I have what I conceive pretty good authority for supposing that the list is larger, and that it would embrace currency, trade, banking, usury laws, bankruptcy, insolvency, sea fisheries, light houses, navigation, coinage, weights and measures, interest, marriage and divorce, naturalization, telegraphs, patents and copyrights, census, immigration, postal service, Intercolonial works of all kinds, railways, canals, harbors, militia and defence, criminal law, and like subjects; leaving to the local Legislatures such subjects as roads and bridges, agriculture, hospitals and charitable institutions, prisons, mines, minerals, timber and public lands, education, inland fisheries, police and summary punishment of crimes, and such like.

    Whether the Constitution of the Upper House is to be elective or appointed by the Crown, I have not learned; but the better opinion seems to be that is not to be elective. The duration of the Federal Assembly, it is said, will not be less than four years -- at least that the opinion of the majority is to that effect.

    There is much also said to have been discussed, the Judiciary and the existence of a Federal Court of Apellate [sic] Jurisdiction, which is likely to be located. The Superior Court Judges for all, it is said, would probably be appointed by the Federal Executive, but from the Bars of the respective Provinces; but, I apprehend, beyond loose discussion, nothing certain or conclusive or binding, has been arrived at. In fact no power to do so exists, and it is rather with a view of interchanging ideas in relation to future action that the discussion proceeds, than the transaction of any business at present, that the Canadian delegates present their scheme.

    The Halifax delegates having invited the entire delegation to visit Halifax, the Canadian steamer is to embark them on Thursday evening, at the conclusion of a public ball, to be given in honor by the Island Government, and they are all expected to reach Halifax by Friday evening, I hear, going over in the Victoria, and taking the Albion Mines and New Glasgow in their way, unless some of them prefer to go around by steamer.

    INDEX.

    P.S. -- Wednesday being spent in discussion, the conference adjourned till Saturday, 10th, at Halifax, at 12 o'clock. To-morrow will be devoted to pleasure and a visit to the North side of the Island.

    Source: « Correspondence : the Colonial convention », Halifax Morning Chronicle, 10 septembre 1864, p. 2.
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  • Télégrammes américains de fin de soirée

    Article tiré de : The Colonial Standard (Pictou, [N.-É.]), Le 25 octobre 1864

    New York, le 20 octobre

    [Traduction libre]

    Hier après-midi, 25 hors-la-loi armés, des rebelles qui arrivaient du Canada, croit-on, sont entrés à St. Albans, à huit milles de la frontière. Ils ont volé 150 000 $ à une banque, pillé des magasins et dérobé 20 chevaux. Ils ont volontairement tiré sur plusieurs citoyens qui résistaient, en tuant un. Les vauriens se sont ensuite enfuis de l'autre côté de la frontière. -- La nuit dernière, le feu a détruit les écuries du champ de course de Brighton au Massachusetts. Vingt-trois chevaux, dont quelques-uns des meilleurs trotteurs du pays, ont péri dans l'incendie. -- Edward Everett a fait, hier soir, un brillant discours en faveur de l'Union au Faneuil Hall. -- Or 211½.

    [Soirée] -- Le secrétaire à la Guerre a émis le communiqué suivant daté d'aujourd'hui midi à Washington :

    « Hier, Cedar Creek a été le théâtre d'une grande bataille. Sheridan y a remporté une victoire éclatante sur Longstreet. Quarante-trois pièces d'artillerie ont été saisies et de nombreux prisonniers, dont le général rebelle Ramseur, ont été capturés. De nos rangs, les généraux Wright et Ricketts ont été blessés et le général Bidwell, tué. Des messages officiels supplémentaires établissent à 2 000 le nombre de prisonniers rebelles capturés. Longstreet, qui avait reçu du renfort, a mené une attaque fougueuse en plein jour contre les lignes fédérales, remportant ainsi un gain momentané. Sheridan revenait de Washington. Il n'atteignit le champ de bataille qu'en début d'après-midi, prenant alors lui-même les commandes des opérations qui l'ont mené à une brillante victoire. »

    Sept des pirates rebelles qui avaient attaqué St. Albans ont été capturés, et une somme de 50 000 $ de leur butin a été récupérée. -- Or 206.

    New York, le 21 octobre

    [Traduction libre]

    Grâce à une action rapide et énergique des autorités canadiennes qui ont collaboré avec le gouvernement du Vermont, huit des pillards mécréants de St. Albans sont maintenant en prison. Ils seront remis entre les mains des autorités fédérales. -- Presque tout l'argent volé a été récupéré. -- Un agent canadien est mort au cours de l'arrestation.

    [Soirée] -- Le procès des individus récemment arrêtés à Baltimore et à Washington pour avoir vendu des marchandises aux Confédérés se tient en ce moment devant la Commission militaire. -- Les messages de Sherman demeurent favorables. La tentative de Hood de couper les communications de ce dernier a complètement échoué et sa retraite vers le sud-ouest l'a mené à la déroute. -- D'après les messages officiels de Sheridan, sa cavalerie avait chassé Longstreet de Fisher's Hill lorsque ce dernier a tenté de résister. La poursuite continue. Cinquante fusils ont été saisis et 1 600 Confédérés, faits prisonniers. -- Pour saluer la victoire de Sheridan, le général Grant a commandé à chacune de ses armées une salve de 100 fusils devant Richmond. -- La Conférence de Québec siège toujours. -- Or 203.

    Source: « Télégrammes américains de fin de soirée », (traduction libre), The Colonial Standard (Pictou, N.-É.), 25 octobre 1864.
    © Domaine public

  • The Botheration Scheme (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Morning Chronicle (Halifax) Le 11 janvier 1865

    Before deciding to hand over to the Canadians the patronage and revenues of Nova Scotia, let us enquire whether there is anything in our present condition to compel us to make this transfer.

    Prior to the introduction of Responsible Government into this Province, Downing Street claimed the authority which it is now proposed to erect at Ottawa. How did we like that? Why, so little that our best men gave the flower of their lives to the struggle by which the system was changed. Huntington and Howe, Young and Uniacke, Doyle and DesBarres, and all their sturdy compatriots, in two or three Parliaments, fought out the great battle by which the appointment of our own officers -- the control of our own revenues -- the management of our own affairs -- was secured to Novascotians. We possess and exercise these high powers now, in as full and ample a measure as the freest people on the face of the earth. And shall it be said that the labors of these men were in vain -- that their policy was unsound, and that their lives have been wasted?

    At this hour our Legislative Councillors, our Judges, and all our public officers, are appointed by our own Government, resting upon the confidence of a clear majority of our own Parliament freely chosen by our own people. If this power were hereafter to be exercised by the nineteen members that we are asked to send to Ottawa, they would be but a minority of the fifty-five who now possess it. Is this Responsible Government? We think not.

    But will the nineteen be entrusted with these powers? No. When they go to Ottawa they will be merged into the General Legislature. If they all hang together and always support the Government of the day, they may be largely consulted and very influential in the management of their own Province; but should they ever act together and go into opposition, who then will manage Nova Scotia? Some wily Canadian, who will have his own correspondents and servile creatures here, and who will so make his appointments as to mortify and weaken the influence of the Novascotian delegation. Men that no Novascotian likes -- that no man trusts -- that all our members disapprove -- may and will be appointed in spite of their unanimity, so sure as they dare oppose the Government.

    But will they be unanimous? Who believes it? Dr. Tupper and Mr. McCully may be friends from the teeth outwards, just so long as it necessary to carry this scheme, but when once it is carried and they meet on the floor of the Parliament House at Ottawa, they will be rivals, perhaps enemies again. Our members will be no longer unanimous, but split into two factions each following the fortunes of its leader, and each trying to bargain with the minister for the patronage and control of Nova Scotia. No matter which succeeds, the Province will be at the mercy of either, with a following of three, five or ten members, as the case may be. Is this what Novascotians desire to see? Is this the kind of Responsible Government which any sane man would desire to substitute for the wholesome control which the two Branches now exercise over nine gentlemen, discharging Executive functions in presence of the people, and day by day liable to be questioned or displaced by a Parliamentary majority? We think not.

    If we were to choose between the two systems, we would say at once, give us back the old Council of Twelve, with Downing Street behind it, rather than the exercise by a little knot of politicians 800 miles away of powers which could not fail to be grossly abused, and for the abuse of which it would be impossible to obtain redress.

    But it is said "Something must be done." A wise statesman once remarked that he always apprehended danger when certain people declared that "something must be done." We are reminded of the droll story told of two boys who were upset in a boat and who got on her bottom in the middle of a rapid river not far above a waterfall. "Ned," said the eldest to his companion, "Can you pray?" "No," was the candid reply of the terrified lad. "Neither can I," said the other, "But something must be done, and that d---- soon."

    Now here we have our two lawyers and the doctor embarked in the same boat. The waves are beginning to rise and the fall is not far off, and we are certainly very much amused with their vehement outcry that something must be done.

    Why should anything be done? Nova Scotia, secure of self-government, can even bear with serenity an Administration that certainly tries her patience at times, for a year or two longer. She has been blessed with a good crop, an abundant fishery, a healthy season; her mining interests are extending; her shipyards have been busy all the year; her railroads are beginning to pay, and her treasury is overflowing, affording ample means to push forward public improvements just as fast as it is wise to push them, with the little surplus labour we have.

    We have not a question to create angry discussion with the mother country, with our neighbours in the United States, or with the Governments of the surrounding colonies. We have entirely reorganized our militia, and drilled every man liable to be called out under the law, within the year.

    Who says, then, that something should be done? Those who desire to daub this peaceful picture, with the hues of their distempered imaginations. There is one thing certainly that ought to be done. We ought all to go down on our knees and thank the Almighty for the abundant blessings he has showered upon us. There was a certain person once who could not let people alone when they were well off. "Don't you see how naked and ignorant you are -- come eat of this fruit and you will know things good and evil, and live forever," and they were tempted, and ate, and we all know what came of it. Now we do not blush for being happy, nor are we ashamed to admit that we are content. The Delegates may be as wise as serpents; let us, thanking God for his mercies, not be ashamed to be as harmless as doves.

    But it is said that the Canadians have outgrown their Constitution. Well, if they have what of that? If they are in trouble let them get out of it; but don't let them involve us in distractions with which we have nothing to do. Are not the Canadians always in trouble? Did not Papineau keep Lower Canada in trouble for twenty years, and McKenzie disturb the Upper Province for about the same period? Then did not both Provinces break out into open rebellion, which it cost the British Government three or four millions sterling to suppress? What would have been the situation of the Maritime Provinces then, had they been controlled by the Canadians? Would they not have been compromised by these outbreaks, and might they not all have been made the theatres of civil war? But they were not under Canadian influence. They maintained their loyalty unsullied. The conflagration was confined to narrow limits, and was soon suppressed.

    Again, in 1849, the Canadians tried their hands at another insurrection. They burnt down their Parliament House; pelted Lord Elgin and his Lady through the streets; hung American flags out of the windows, and published a manifesto, to which the principal citizens of Montreal signed their names, demanding annexation to the United States. Novascotians must have short memories if these things are forgotten.

    Then, are not the Canadas always disturbed by religious feuds and secret societies? -- Was not the Prince of Wales kept two days off the port of Kingston by a community who would not permit him to land unless he would give the Orangemen a party triumph? And when he got to Toronto, was not his whole visit disturbed by the display of party emblems and by the violence of local factions that met his Royal Highness at every turn?

    But a few short months have elapsed since there was a bloody fight, all round a church and grave-yard, between the Protestants and Catholics of Toronto, in which deadly weapons were used, and what do we see now -- Every mail brings us tidings of the organization and arming of Fenians and Orangemen in all the chief cities of Upper Canada. People are drilling in the churches. Arms are coming in from the States in coffins, and in other disguised packages, and we are told that 50,000 Fenians stand ready, armed and disciplined, in New York alone, and prepared to cross the border.

    Now, is this the country for Novascotians to unite with, and to whose entire control we should hand over the management of our affairs? Here we have peace and order, everybody worships God as he pleases, and everybody obeys the law. there are no armed midnight processions -- no villains chalking our doors at night -- no arms secreted -- no Fenians drilling -- and everybody sleeps in his bed securely, with no man to make him afraid. In the name of common sense then, are we to peril all these blessings and mix ourselves up with distractions, the end of which no living man can foresee?

    If civil war breaks out in Canada, from the apparently irrepressible conflicts of her secret societies, let the Canadians settle it among themselves. If border wars breakout, arising out of raids upon a people with whom we ought to be at peace, or the stupidity or ignorance of magistrates, let those who provoke these controversies fight them out. We have no secret societies to disturb us -- no frontier to tempt raiders to commit outrages on our neighbours. We are surrounded by the sea, and can only be involved in a national war when proclaimed by our sovereign, and then we are within ten days' sail of the fleets and armies of England, which, aided by our own volunteers and militia, would soon give a good account of any expedition sent by sea to disturb us. We do not go into financial calculations just now, though we may touch these before we are done.

    Admitting all Mr. Archibald's calculations to be accurate (which we are far from doing) we place this argument on much higher grounds than that of mere figures and finance; and we say that even if the bargain was financially a good one, we would not accept it at the cost of internal and external peace--of institutions hallowed by a possession of a hundred years, improved and consolidated by twenty years' labor of our ablest statesmen. Of all the characters of ancient story, the poorest spirited creature that we know is Esau; but if Novascotians surrendered their powers of self-government and provincial independence for the precious mess of pottage brought hither from Quebec, we would forever after be held in deserved contempt even by those by whom our birthright was enjoyed.

    Source: « The botheration scheme », Halifax Morning Chronicle, 11 janvier 1865.
    © Domaine public

  • The 1st of July (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Pictou Colonial Standard (Nouvelle-Écosse) Le 2 juillet 1867, p. 2

    Does any one suppose that then, the fact will be remembered that there were those who did their utmost to rob this Province of this great heritage, who inveighed against Union with its neighbors, as an evil to be resisted to the last? Will the names or memory of those who took part in this reason and folly be remembered? No; we believe, that oblivion will kindly bury them forever and people will cease to think it possible that so great a boon, should have been ushered in, amidst the scowling looks of the worst enemies of their country.

    Should some old pamphlet or bundle of newspapers of the present day find its way into some old chest, packed away and forgotten in some cellar or attic, should its resurrection two or three hundred years hence disclose the truth that there were actually people, in 1867, who poured out their wretched tirades against this Union; and talked of it as selling the rights and liberties of Nova Scotia, they could scarcely believe their eyes. It is difficult to realize it even now. Why do we seek Confederation? What has induced the ablest statesman in England and these Provinces to speak of it as a thing to be desired above all others? -- Ask a true man, who loves his country for itself why he is in favor of Union, and he will tell you: -- I am in favor of Union, because I wish to remain a loyal subject of Queen Victoria; because it will cement more closely these Colonies and the Mother Country; because England desired it in order to consolidate our strength; because it will ensure us against aggression, or if we should be attacked, it will enable us to show a stronger front to the enemy; because it will promote the construction of our great public works, and in the end bring the commerce of the East across this American Continent; because it will give increased prosperity to every trade and occupation, and secure for our children and their children a home worth living in, and one to be proud of.

    These are some of the reasons why I support Confederation. I believe in it, I see in it a present full of promise, a future abundant in performance. When I look round me for objections I find only falsehood and abuse; when I look at the objectors; I see only opponents of all that is selfish, unprincipled, vindictive, and disloyal. If I look abroad I find every enemy of British institutions, every public knave and reputed scoundrel on either continent, a fool-mouthed opponent of this scheme of Union. If I look at home, I see the vilest means used by unscrupulous people to inflame the passions and prejudices of the ignorant. I find every mean device had resource to, to asp the loyalty of a virtuous people. I hear people speaking treason, and capping the climax of their unmanly wickedness by shouting out for cheers for the Queen, whose feeling, wishes, and honor they are doing their best to trample under foot.

    With these prospects before us, -- with the congratulations of a sovereign we love, and who is revered all world over, warming our loyalty we are about to enter on a new phase of political existence. Full of hope in the future; of confidence in the truth and purity of our principles, we are about to bail the Natal day of the Union of these provinces. We trust that every true man and woman will prepare to celebrate it with a spirit and in a manner becoming the occasion. Let us show that the citizens of Halifax, at least are sensible of the benefits it will bring them -- of the great future it destines for this noble seaport. There will be covert traitors enough, spitting out their venom, and discharging their foul sluices o! accumulated malignity and disappointment.

    They are nothing to us; we have nothing in common with them. As loyal subjects as lovers of our country, we will celebrate that day with feeling of fervent gratitude and joy, as the birth-day of what destined to become one of the great nations of the earth, taking a high and worthy part to itscommon [sic] progress and civilization. The Dominion of Canada becomes one of the great facts of the world on the first of July next -- a day and a date to be held in joyful remembrance by this and coming generations.

    Source: « The 1st of July », Pictou Colonial Standard (Nouvelle-Écosse), 2 juillet 1867, p. 2.
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  • A Fizzle (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Morning Chronicle (Halifax) Le 2 juillet 1867, p. 2

    The Confederates are, doubtless, well satisfied with the celebration of yesterday, and the Anti-Confederates have no reason to be displeased. The whole strength of the former was put forth to make a great demonstration, and we do not exaggerate when we say that they failed lamentably. For weeks they had been drumming up support around the city: they had buttonholed and bored citizens, and even conjured them if they set no value on the Union, to oblige their personal friends by taking part in the festivities of the day. All sorts of influence had been brought to bear upon various societies to induce them to march in a grand procession. They had been called upon in the holy name of religion; they had been urged by ledger arguments, yet these powerful appeals failed to produce any marked effect. The procession, which we may safely call the principal feature of the day's rejoicing, was a good one, that is about six hundred people, including a large number of boys and girls, took part in it, and flags were borne, and bands played, and hats of decided rustiness were waved in the air by those who thus chose to exhibit themselves gratis to the public. About six hundred people -- as many as have occasionally attended a decent funeral in the city -- were all that could be scraped up to join in this great display. Six hundred out of population of more than thirty thousand in the city alone, all of whom, together with the men of Dartmouth, had been invited to attend. And who were the six hundred? Were they in general composed of the thinking portion of this community? Were they the voters upon whom depend the decision to be made here at the elections? They were not.

    We have no wish to detract from the standing of many of the men in that procession or speak unkindly of them, for among them were reputable men, industrious and sober workers, whom we felt sorry to see engaged in rejoicing over the accomplishment of a disastrous measure forced upon their fellow-countrymen, and equally upon themselves. We had imagined that to deny the people's right to govern their own country, and dispose of their own revenues as they pleased, was an insult to the people: we find that there are a few who think differently; we find that there are a few content to pocket a gross affront, and thank those who offered it. But we are pleased to discover, from this procession, that if such exists in our midst, they are few. Of the valiant six hundred, fifty or sixty were children, who, as matter of course, knew nothing but that their holiday had been made a day of torture to them by being dragged through the dusty streets under a broiling sun. Women, too, there were among the trades, who, it is no libel to say, were not well posted in the details of the Union scheme, and who were far better fitted to judge the beauties of a gaudy print than those of the action of out legislators. Voteless persons too, were decidedly in the ascendant. Of the six hundred, we know that one-half, at least, were non-electors; and we believe we could not be accused of exaggerating if we stated that scarce one hundred and fifty of them were voters. And how were the trades represented? The carpenters did not muster one-fifth of their members, and we may say the same of nearly every other trade. The Catholic Total Abstinence and Benevolent Society turned out not more, we believe, than one-fourth, or at most one-third of its numbers; and the private citizens who formed the tail of the procession were chiefly made up of Government hangers-on and candidates for office, the whole numbering, we suppose, from one hundred to one hundred and fifty.

    We do believe that even of the numbers who walked, there were many Anti-Unionists from conviction. But all were obliged to follow the lead given by their employers, or by others on whom they had been dependent for occasional assistance in business. Such was the great procession fizzle, the result of weeks of labor -- labor continued even through the Lord's Day. If any Anti-Unionist wish for comfort, this display would supply it.

    There were other features about the day's celebration which must have astonished the Union men. There was not one flag displayed to every fifty houses; there were empty flagstaffs to be seen in all directions; and to show the general disgust of the day and the occasion of its observance, we may instance that in one of the most populous parts of the city -- Water street from West's wharf to Dowolf's -- a distance of nearly half a mile -- but two flags were displayed.

    Many of the stores in the city were closed. Anti-Unionists, as well as their opponents took advantage of the holiday, as the day fell in a comparatively dull season, and promises of wonderful exhibitions had been made. Many, however, (we suppose nearly one-half) of the stores were doing business: showing unmistakably [sic] that it required something more than a proclamation to compel men to rejoice, or even to put on the semblance of doing so, over the destruction of the liberties of their country.

    With this demonstration we have every reason to be well content. It has shown plainly upon how small a foundation have been built the Unionists' boastings. They have striven energetically to show their strength, -- they have succeeded in manifesting their weakness. They have endeavored to overawe the people, -- they have succeeded in being laughed at. They will, we have no doubt, continue to pretend that they have hopes of winning the county of Halifax; but henceforth they will find among their own ranks few believers, and fall to cause the slightest doubt of complete triumph in the minds of their opponents.

    Source: « A fizzle », Halifax Morning Chronicle, 2 juillet 1867, p. 2.
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  • Dominion Day, The Unionist, and Halifax Journal (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Unionist, and Halifax Journal Le mercredi 3 juillet 1867, p. 2

    The Dominion was inaugurated on Monday, under the most favourable auspices. The day was delightfully fine for outdoor demonstrations -- in fact it was real Dominion weather. The greatest enthusiasm was evinced all over the city. The cordiality and enthusiasm evinced exceeded the most sanguine expectations of the friends of Union. Everywhere, with a few exceptions, the day was observed as a Public Holiday. Some few antis, who were of « no account, » kept their shutters down and pretended to do business; but as the day wore on, many got ashamed of their opposition, and ere the torchlight procession moved off, they were found hurrahing vociferously for UNION and the NEW DOMINION! It is gratifying to know that every Union man behaved himself as Union men know how to do, and, altho' the antis were greatly afflicted all day, it is gratifying to know that they bore their affliction with becoming resignation, so that all the arrangements of the day were carried on without interruption.

    The programme published in our last was strictly adhered to. The booming of cannon announced the Birth of the New Dominion, and the ringing of church bells proclaimed the gladness.

    The Volunteer Artillery, shortly before eight o'clock in the morning, fired a salute of nineteen guns, which was replied to by the Naval Brigade on the Dartmouth side. Churches in the city were thrown open for Divine Service. The National Anthem was sung in all the churches. The Union Jack floated from all the public buildings, and from all the leading business houses. It was a grand gala day. Flags were suspended across the principal thoroughfares, and mottoes and devices appropriate to the occasion were distributed all over the city, such as « THE DREAM OF MY BOYHOOD, » « BRITISH CONNECTION, » « UNION UNION, » « GOD SPEED THE UNION, » « FREE TRADE, ONE COIN, ONE TARIFF, ONE CUSTOM HOUSE ».

    The orator of the day, Rev. Dr. M. RICHEY, D. D., delivered by request a truly eloquent oration from a rostrum erected on the Grand Parade. The following gentlemen occupied seats: --

    His Worship the Mayor, (Chairman,) Rev. Dr. Taylor, Rev. Mr. Temple, Rev. Mr. F. Stevenson, of Newfoundland. Senators of the Dominion -- Hon. E. Kenney, Hon. Benj. Wier, Hon. J. McCully, Hon. J. H. Anderson, and Hon. W. Miller; Hon. Attorney General, Hon. Provincial Secretary, Hon. Financial Secretary; John Tobin, Esq., M. P. P. Sheriff Sawyers, Hon. A. MacFarlane, Hon. S. L. Shannon Judge Pryor, and several others.

    Thousands of people listened with breathless attention to the magnificent address delivered by the Revd. gentleman -- to whom the friends of Union everywhere are under many obligations for the magnificent manner in which he was pleased to respond to the call.

    Immediately after the oration the procession formed in under the able management of Mr. J. Shean, the Marshal of the day. All the Trade Unions were represented, with carriages drawn by horses, handsomely mounted, and bearing suitable mottoes; the men were at work at their different avocations, the Blacksmiths, Stonecutters, Masons, Carpenters and Joiners, Tobacco Manufacturers, the Bakers, Biscuit Manufacturers, Ship Carpenters and Caulkers, Iron Founders, Boiler Makers, Stove Founders, Nail Manufacturers. The Bands of the Volunteer Battalion and Union Protection Company, and the Drums and Fifes of the Volunteer Artillery supplied the music on the occasion. They were joined by citizens, Mayor and Corporation, Professional men, members of Local Legislature, the Government, Senators of the Dominion, Cavalcade. The procession, which covered over a mile of ground, marched through the principal streets. They were greeted all along the line by cheers from bystanders, and by waving of handkerchiefs from windows. The Juvenile Instrumental Band of St. Mary's College discoursed sweet music from the balcony of the Glebe House. On the return of the procession to the Parade, Dr. Tupper was vociferously called for, when he came forward and made a brief but eloquent speech. John Tobin, Esq., also made a few appropriate remarks.

    At noon there was a Grand Display on the Common of the Military and Naval forces, in presence of His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor and the Officers of his Staff.

    In the afternoon there were sports on the Common. Although it was not intended there should be a general illumination, yet many buildings were illuminated with transparencies and otherwise. The Torch Light Procession of the Union Engine Company was a brilliant affair -- it was the most attractive feature of the days proceedings. The display of Fire Works was creditable. The Provincial Building and Lunatic Asylum were brilliantly illuminated. Every thing went off as "merry as marriage bell." We have been necessarily compelled, in this short sketch, to omit several important features in the days proceedings.

    Source: « Dominion Day », The Unionist, and Halifax Journal, 3 juillet 1867, p. 2.
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  • Dominion Day, Eastern Chronicle and Pictou County Advocate (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Eastern Chronicle and Pictou County Advocate (Nouvelle-Écosse) Le 3 juillet 1867, p. 2

    The First of July has come and gone, and, doubtless, the men who have sold Nova Scotia think all is well. If they knew the smothered foeling of strong indignation, which on Monday swelled up in the breasts of thousands of Nova Scotians, and which alone respect for the Queen and the constituted authorities prevented from bursting forth in all its majesty, their rejoicings would have been mingled with fear. Nova Scotians, you are now said to be Canadians, by Act of Parliament, against your wishes. Do you accept the will of the despots who have forced this measure upon you, or do you reject the imputation as an insult upon your intelligence, and a trampling upon your right to be heard in deciding your own destiny? The coming Election will decide whether Nova Scotia is to be ruled according to the well-understood wishes of the people of this Province, or according to the commands -- the impudent demands -- of the rebels and corruptionists of Canada.

    So far as we can learn, the events of the natal day of the new dominion were not as remarkable as the Canadian Party wished them to be. On the whole, as a day of rejoicing, it was a failure; it was more worthy of being formed a day of humiliation. Doubtless in the latter sense it was regarded by many. In Pictou and New Glasgow, the display of flags by Confederates was meagre; and as an offset might be seen quite a number of flags upside down and half-mast, with several black permants, and a black flag. Only one or two stores were closed, and people appeared to attend to their business as usual. No church-bells were rung. no salutes were fired, no congratulations were offered on the birth of the "infant-monster Confederation;" those who rejoiced did so privately, not desiring to insult the body of their countrymen, who looked upon the day as a dark one for Nova Scotia.

    In Halifax, we find the celebration -- as compared with the efforts put forth to make it succesful -- was a failure. We learn by the Morning Chronicle of yesterday that only about 600 persons marched in the grand procession, many of whom were non-electors. In reference to the display of flags, &c., the Chornicle says;-

    "There were other features about the day's celebration which must have astonished the Union men. There was not one flag displayed to every fifty houses, there were empty flagstaffs, to be seen in all directions; and to show the general disgust of the day and the occasion of its observance, we may instance that in one of the most populous parts of the city - Water street from West's wharf to Dewolfs-a distance of nearly half mile-but two flags were displayed. Many of the stores in the city were closed. Anti-Unionists, as well as their opponents, took advantage of the holiday,as the day fell in a comparatively dull season, and promises of wonderful exhibitions had been made. Many however (we supose nearly one-half) of the stores were doing business; showing unmistakably that it required something more than a proclamation to compel men to rejoice, or even to put on the semblance of doing so, over the destruction of the liberties of their country."

    In the account given of the proceedings of the day by the same paper, we find that --

    "In the morning the Volunteer Artillery, by command of the Lieutenant-Governor, fired a salute on the Grand Parade, and the Naval Brigade fired a few guns from the Battery at Dartmouth. The bells of all the churches did not, as was expected, end their aid at the celebration, those of St. Mary's Cathedral being the only ones to carry out this part of the programme. Nor were the Churches all open for early services as the Unionists modestly requested. Services were held, we believe in Trinity Church and the Garrison Chapel. About 10 o'clock the Rev. Dr. Richey took the stand on the Parade, and delivered the "oration" of the day. The-rev gentleman is a good speaker and was listened to with attention by a large number of persons. His address was, of course, decidedly Confederate, and he expects greater benefits to follow confederation than the great body of Nova Scotians anticipate -- even greater advantages than Messes. Tupper & Co. claim for the scheme. At the close of Dr. Richey's address. he was cheered be the audience. Some one proposed "three cheers for the Hon Joseph Howe," which were most rapturously given"

    There was a review on the Common in the forenoon, but the local forces were not present. This is somewhat suggestive. Nothing else worthy of note is recorded. No disturbance of any kind took place,as was anticipated by the Confederates, who, in order to more thoroughly insult the citizens of Halifax, had a number of special constables sworn in.

    In Truro, which Mr. Archibald looks upon as his stronghold, the rejoicing was not at all general. Two black flags were displayed in prominent positions. On Sabbath evening previous, the High Sheriff of Colchester County was piously engaged in canvassing the elders of Dr. McCulloch's congregation for liberty to ring the bell on Monday morning. He met with rather a warm repulse, but at length succeeded in getting the consent of two out of thirteen, and procured a mute to ring the bell for fifteen minutes. This was done without consulting Dr. McCulloch, who was absent, attending Synod in New Glasgow; and we believe the Rev. gentleman feels much aggrieved, both at the Sabbath desecration and the prostitution of the Church bell to the unholy work of ringing out joyful peals to commemmorate Nova Scotia's humiliation. But we find that all this is on a par with the conduct of Confederates elsewere. In Halifax, on the last Lord's Day, the South part of the City was disturbed by a number of workmen in the vicinity of Mr. Brookfield's premises, who, the whole day through, while constructing platforms for the Union demonstration, made the neighbourhood resound with the noise of their labors. Thus were the laws of God and of man openly violated in order to prepare for celebrating the birth of the new dominion. But, perhaps, we should not complain, as this is only following up what happened when Quebec scheme was signed on Sunday. We know that falsehood, corruption, and deeds that blush to bear the light of day have all been employed to consummate this outrage upon civil liberty. It was upon this scheme -- naught else than the work of the arch fiend himself -- that ministers and people were asked to supplicate the blessing of Him who dwells in purity and holiness. What s solemn mockery! What consistent advocates of right, and what firm opponents of wrong the Presbyterian Witness and Halifax Wesleyan are! Recommending that Divine service should be held in all the Churches in order to implore the blessing of Heaven upon the Union -- upon corruption. upon Sabbath desecration, upon Tupper's oft-repeated falsehoods, upon breachess of Divine and human law, upon despotic interference with the acknowledged rights of the people! Is it any wonder that the people are disgusted with Confederation and its noisy promoters; and that they are resolved to give no sanction to a political revolution promoted by such unworthy means, and sought to be fastened upon the county in opposition to their wishes?

    Source: « Dominion Day », Eastern Chronicle and Pictou County Advocate (Nouvelle-Écosse), 3 juillet 1867, p. 2.
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  • Married, born, died (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Eastern Chronicle and Pictou County Advocate (Nouvelle-Écosse) Le 3 juillet 1867, p. 3

    Married

    On Monday morning last, at Ottawa C.E., by the British Parliament, assisted by Canadian Rebels and Annexationists and home-born Traitors, in all her midsummer beauty, the young and fair Nova Scotia and "big brother" Canada. Contrary to all the principles of Liberty, the young lady was forced into what her friends consider to be an unhappy union. She was beautiful and rich; her suitor was old, crabbed and almost bankrupt, -- constantly given to harboring persons obnoxious to Mrs Brittania, and frequently breaking out into fits of rebellious rage. As the match is considered to be very inauspicious one for the fair and blushing bride, her friends, who are numerous, powerful, and well-disciplined, intend shortly to take prompt and decided steps to procure a divorce. No cards.

    Born

    On Monday morning last, at 12 […] a.m., (premature) the Dominion of Canada -- illegitimate. This prodigy is known as the infant monster Confederation, and is called by one of the fond parents, D'Arcy McGee, the "skeleton of an Empire." -- The flesh and sinews are supposed to have corroded in consequence of the infant several times falling into champagne and brandy during seasons of "exhaustive festivities." The skeleton of the monster is fearfully long, but very slim and narrow, especially about the chest. It is feared it will not live long, as it even now in a precarious state of health, and in danger of being devoured by some cannibalistic animals owned by Uncle Sam. The head -- Nova Scotia -- is the only part of the body that exhibits real signs of vitality; and strange to say, several eminent Doctors have given it as their opinion that the head must and will be separated from the remainder of the skeleton, in which case the former will grow and flourish into a healthy man, and prove a worthy descendant of Mrs Brittania.

    Died

    At 12 o'clock midnight, on Sunday, the 30th day of June, John Bluenose, aged 118 years on the 21st day of that month. During a long and prosperous life, the deceased enjoyed much personal respect. His vast resources and means of accumulating wealth had unfortunately, during the last few years, attracted the envy of corrupt men in the Northern, Hemisphere. His premature and untimely death, it is said, has been hastened by some of his own children -- Doctor "Poison-Bag" and three members of the legal profession, who have for a short time been studying quackery, and for whom this fond parent had amply provided, had they only been content. The sadden demise of this old gentleman is lamented by a large majority of loyal friends. It is not the part of Christian mourners to dive into futurity, but the unfair death of their lamented friend, is matter of great doubt and uncertainly in regard to his future well-being. His remains have been conveyed to Canada for interment, whither also his vast wealth had been surreptitiously transferred by his supposed murderers, and will be followed to the grave by a few of his renegade children, accompanied by D'Arcy McGee and Monsieur Cartier, for whose heads a large sum of money had been offered by the old gentleman's friends in England. We understand that a last will and testament had been many years ago drawn up by a professional friend in Britain, conveying his untold wealth and resources to his loyal children in Nova Scotia, and not dreaming that parricidal and rebellious hands should cut short the thread of life, had no time given him to ask their consent, though beseeching his assassins to afford him an opportunity to do so. If there are any creditors of the old gentleman (other than those mentioned), his mourning friends desire that their accounts, duly attested to, be sent in to Adams G Archibald, the Executor of the Estate, or to the President and Secretary of the United States, who will be prepared, five years after date, to discharge the same. -- Non requiescat in pace.

    Source: « Married »,« Born », « Died », Eastern Chronicle and Pictou County Advocate (Nouvelle-Écosse), 3 juillet 1867, p. 3.
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  • The new dominion (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : Halifax Evening Express Le 3 juillet 1867, p. 2

    In the pregnant language of one of the transparencies which appeared in a window of the residence of the Archbishop of Halifax on the 1st, "TO-DAY UNION MAKES A DOMINION OF A PROVINCE; DIGNIFIES OUR MANHOOD; EXPANDS OUR SYMPATHY; LINKS US WITH THIRTY FIVE HUNDRED THOUSAND FELLOW-SUBJECTS IN OUR OWN LAND; AND FIFTY MILLIONS OF HUMAN BEINGS NORTH OF PANAMA. GOD SAVE THE QUEEN."

    The above text is a suggestive one and the great facts which it contains, the mighty future which it enunciates, must fill the heart of every true man with feelings of the deepest gratitude and pride, as well as confidence, in the greatness and the prosperity in store for us, if we have the wisdom to use aright the great opportunity which is now offered us. A few days ago we were a Province with a population, all told, barely equal to that of a second rate European city. We had the paraphernalia of Responsible Government, we were free as the air we breathed, our land had lying under it resources whose value is to be counted in tens of millions. With a bracing climate, a fertile soil, girdled almost by a sea teaming with inexhaustible treasure, with a geographical position equal to that of New York or Liverpool, with everything, indeed, but one, to give us place, and name, and influence, and prosperity; the absence of that one thing neutralized all the others. We had not room, or means enough, or men enough, to utilize and make best of these splendid resources. For 150 years we have been struggling onward, retarded at every step by our inherent weakness. We have lived politically unknown. Our Province; rich to repletion with natural resources stretched out its arms far into the broad Atlantic, as if inviting, wooing some portion of that vast human stream of emigration, directing its course westward, to seek the nearest haven, and find a home in little Nova Scotia. But all in vain. More distant, because more influential, Canada intercepted a part, and the United States absorbed a greater portion still. We talked, and wrote, and proved to demonstration what a noble field our Province was for capital, and skill, and labor. But we talked and wrote all in vain. Our isolation and obscurity were the consequence of our littleness, and it was evident that so long as we were small, we would remain isolated and obscure. Our farms hitherto have yielded barely one-fourth of their capability; and even that fraction the poor farmer has had, to a great extent, to dispose of in the way of barter. Our fisheries have not enriched those men who have been toiling by the sea, and our mineral treasures vast enough to make fortune of an empire, have been almost totally undeveloped. We have built railways at the public expense for our ideal traffic, which have paid little more than working expenses, leaving the interest of the first cost to be paid out of the public chest. Such has been the record of our past, and such would have continued to be our record for the future had we selfishly and foolishly insisted upon wrapping ourselves up in our own isolation.

    We have chosen the better and the wiser course, and the great Demonstration of Monday last has proved that the Provincial heart beats sound and sympathetic with the great constitutional change. Nova Scotia is, indeed, to-day both a Province and an integral portion of a Dominion, with room and verge enough for the energy and enterprise of 150 millions of human beings, with a territory resting upon two oceans, lying in the great highway of the commerce, both of the east and of the west, covering at least one million of square miles of land, capable of successful cultivation, situated within the Temperate Zone and possessing on the whole the most healthy climate in the world.

    For the first time we have got a fair chance in the peaceful conflict going on all around us, after progress, prosperity, and individual comfort; joined with that feeling of security and pride, and love of country which recognized status alone can give. Nova Scotia is no longer a petty Province, nor Halifax a petty town, nor what we called towns, small villages, whose names were unknown, beyond the circumference of the Province itself. The day of small things has passed away, and henceforth we will have our names inscribed among the nations of the Western World. The United States is great and powerful, and for generations to come will continue in advance of us, but to us will be accorded the second place on the Continent of North America and before many years shall have passed over our heads, we will be in point of position, influence, and material prosperity the second on the whole Continent from Behring's Straits to Cape Horn.

    Source: « The new dominion », Halifax Evening Express, 3 juillet 1867, p. 2.
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Nunavut

  • Loi concernant l'Accord sur les revendications territoriales du Nunavut

    Source: « Loi concernant l'Accord entre les Inuit de la region du Nunavut et Sa Majesté la Reine du chef du Canada », (titre abrégé : Loi concernant l'Accord sur les revendications territoriales du Nunavut), Statuts of Canada 1993, v. II, c. 29, p. 1259-1262.
    © Couronne
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation du Ministère de la Justice

Ontario

  • Les journaux noirs : introduction

    [Traduction libre]

    Afin de bien faire connaître à nos lecteurs le mandat du Voice of the Fugitive, les lois de la bienséance ainsi que la vieille tradition établie nous obligent à dévoiler les principes qui dirigeront la rédaction de ce journal.

    Nous entendons... défendre la liberté de l'homme au sens propre de ce terme. Nous défendons l'abolition mondiale, immédiate et inconditionnelle, de « l'esclave-chose », et plus spécialement en Amérique. Nous tenterons de convaincre tous les opprimés de couleur vivant aux États-Unis de venir s'installer au Canada, une terre où les lois n'établissent aucune différence fondée sur la couleur de la peau, et où « aucun esclave ne respirera »...

    Nous nous opposerons, du mieux qu'il nous sera possible, à l'annexion du Canada aux États-Unis tant et aussi longtemps que le gouvernement américain continuera de tolérer les atrocités de l'esclavage.

    De temps à autre, nous nous efforcerons de faire connaître à nos lecteurs les véritables conditions, les espoirs et les projets de notre peuple au Canada. Ce journal servira de porte-parole aux réfugiés, mais nous nous réservons le droit de nous exprimer ouvertement, en hommes libres, sur tous les sujets qui nous toucheront.

    Article tiré de : Provincial Freeman 25 avril 1857

    Source: « Introduction » (traduction libre), Voice of the Fugitive, 12 mars 1851.
    © Domaine public

  • Les journaux noirs : Les devoirs des hommes de couleur au Canada

    [Traduction libre]

    Quels sont les devoirs des hommes de couleur dans ces provinces, eux qui ont été forcés de s'y installer à cause du despotisme américain et de l'oppression?

    Nous répondrons franchement à cette question et aussi sincèrement que l'importance de la situation l'exige. Eh bien! Nous vivons dans un État où le gouvernement ne fait pas de caste dans son organisation politique : tous les hommes sont égaux devant la loi et traités avec le même égard par le gouvernement de Sa Majesté. Cela demeure vrai aujourd'hui, tout comme lorsque Curran a prononcé ces paroles historiques :

    Peu importe la couleur, incompatible avec la liberté, qui teint la chair d'un Indien ou d'un Africain, dès qu'il pose le pied en sol britannique, c'est un homme libre.

    ...Après cette agréable perspective, regardons-en maintenant une toute autre, celle du gouvernement républicain des États-Unis.

    Voyons quelles sont les dernières décisions à propos de la liberté de la population de couleur. Pourquoi nul autre que l'homme blanc ne peut-il être reconnu comme citoyen selon la structure politique de ce gouvernement? Pourquoi les nègres sont-ils rejetés et n'ont-ils aucun droit devant la justice? Pourquoi les considère-t-on comme des intrus et des parias? [...] Nous devons tout à notre patrie d'adoption et rien à ce misérable, méprisable et tyrannique gouvernement des États-Unis.

    Source: « Les devoirs des hommes de couleur au Canada » (traduction libre), Provincial Freeman, 25 avril 1857.
    © Domaine public

  • L'affaire du Trent

    Article tiré de : Illustrated London News Le samedi 21 décembre 1861

    [Traduction libre]

    La semaine dernière, la crise américaine retenait l'attention générale. « Qui peut dire ce qu'aujourd'hui nous réserve? » Aujourd'hui, malgré la grande affliction causée par la visite importune du Almighty and Incrustable sur le territoire de notre Souverain bien-aimé et de son peuple, nous préférons oublier la situation grave dans laquelle l'acte de piraterie des Américains nous a placés et sommes disposés à accepter leurs regrets sincères. Mais il nous faut faire un compte rendu fidèle et complet de la semaine.

    Le message écrit du président Lincoln fait preuve du pessimisme et de la maladresse qui ont caractérisé les précédents documents officiels de son gouvernement. Mais ces considérations sont bien minces en comparaison des indications sur sa politique contenues dans le document. Il n'y est pas fait mention de l'outrage du Trent. Et, à cause de cette omission, ajoutée à une déclaration sans portée à l'effet que le président ne cherche pas les hostilités avec l'Angleterre, des auteurs un peu emportés ont avancé que l'acte du capitaine Wilks sera désavoué et que les commissaires du Sud nous ont cédé le contrôle. Il semble que M. Lincoln n'ait pas considéré l'acte du capitaine américain digne de mention dans son message, ou que cet acte soit vu comme un outrage sur lequel l'Angleterre ne pourra qu'exprimer ses sentiments pour obtenir réparation immédiate. La mention d'une injustice réelle causée aux sujets britanniques et la recommandation du Congrès de faire réparation justifient une telle opinion. Nous serions trop heureux de croire que le gouvernement des États-Unis puisse faire preuve d'une telle sagesse, mais nous craignons fort de céder à de faux espoirs. En effet, cela contredit l'opinion générale exprimée par la population américaine qui exerce un contrôle dévastateur sur le semblant d'autorité de la presse américaine (à une ou deux honorables exceptions près), et du secrétaire d'État des États-Unis. La Chambre des représentants a ouvertement exprimé un vote de remerciement en faveur du pirate Wilks; et bien qu'il soit théoriquement vrai qu'un tel vote n'a pas la même portée qu'un vote pris par notre Chambre des communes, il est également vrai, malheureusement, que la Chambre des représentants exprime les sentiments de ceux qui, à la disgrâce des classes dirigeantes des États-Unis, sont choisis pour exercer le pouvoir politique. Devant tous ces faits, et même sans parler de la déclaration officielle du chef de la Marine fédérale, nous osons à peine espérer que la dépêche du comte Russell recevra la seule réponse recevable dans les circonstances. Pour le moment, nous attendons. Notre prochaine édition contiendra, selon toute probabilité, l'information que nous attendons. Les nouvelles au sujet de la bataille entre le Nord et le Sud indiquent simplement que le général McClellan n'a pas bougé, « et qu'il ne bougera pas avant d'être assuré de la victoire ». On ne sait pas quand un tel mouvement se produira. Nous apprenons avec un mépris à peine voilé qu'un système de représailles barbare est en place, que les prisonniers sont traités cruellement et qu'ils seraient même exécutés de sang-froid. Ces faits ramènent la guerre au simple rang de brigandage abominable. Le Nord, dans son excès de zèle pour défendre la civilisation, continue à détruire sciemment les ports du Sud. Par de tels actes sauvages, il contredit son engagement solennel à l'effet que le territoire auquel ces ports appartiennent ferait toujours partie des dominions fédérés.

    Source: « L'affaire du Trent » (traduction libre), The Illustrated London News, 21 décembre 1861.
    © Domaine public

  • Policy of the new government (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The London Free Press, and Daily Western Advertizer, le 28 mai 1862, p. 2

    We published the following as an Extra on yesterday: --

    Legislative Council
    Quebec, May 26th.

    At the meeting of the house to-day, the Hon. Mr. Morris stated the Ministerial policy, which was precisely similar to that given in the Lower House; a debate arose, which was proceeding when our report left.

    Legislative Assembly
    Monday, May 26.

    The Speaker took the chair at 3 o'clock.
    On motion of different members, new writs were ordered to be issued for the West Riding of York; North Riding of Oxford; the Town of Cornwall; the County of Argenteuil, the County of St. Hyacinthe; the County of Quebec; the district of Montreal West; the North Riding of York, for election of members to represent these constituencies in the stead of late members who vacated their seats by the accepting of office.

    Mr. Wallbridge then arose and read the following as the policy of the new government:–

    FIRST - Recognizing the Federal character of the act of Union, and the danger at the present critical emergency of any change of the basis of that Union, the Government will seek to remedy the evils now encountered in the Government of Canada, by committing to all members composing the Administration for each section respectively, control of all matters of a local or sectional character-the Administration as a whole being charged with all such matters as are necessarily common to both sections of the Province.

    FIFTH.-The Tariff will be readjusted so as to meet, as far as possible, the demands upon the revenue, but the re-adjustment will be made with a due regard to the manufacturing interests of the country.

    SECOND.-It will be admitted, as a rule, that local legislation should not be forced on either section of the Province against the wishes of a majority of its representatives, and that the Administration for each section should possess the confidence of a majority of its representatives.

    SIXTH.-A bill will be introduced to settle, in a more equitable manner, the relation of debtor and creditor, and to afford relief to insolvent debtors in an economical manner; such bill being made to apply to the whole Province.

    THIRD.-The Government will submit a measure for the more equitable adjustment of parliamentary representation in each section of the Province respectively.

    SEVENTH.-A system of retrenchment, including every branch of the public service, will be adopted, with a view to reduce the annual expenditure of the country within its income.

    FOURTH.-An amendment to the Militia Law will be proposed, so as to secure a proper enrolment of the available force of the Province under efficient officers; the distribution of arms furnished by the Imperial authorities through officers of Battalions, and the encouragement of the volunteer movement.

    EIGHTH.-Her Majesty's decision with reference to the seat of government will be maintained; a thorough investigation into all matters connected with the public building at Ottawa will immediately be made; so soon as this investigation can be completed, and contracts ascertained to be such as to permit the works to be proceeded with, under them, no time will be lost in endeavoring to place the matter in a condition to make satisfactory progress.

    Mr. Loranger then explained the policy in French, and stated that it was the intention of Government to ask the House to pass certain public bills, including a portion of the Tariff Bill of the late Finance Minister; to go on with private bills; and then prorogue Parliament to meet again in January.

    They proposed asking the House to hold two sessions on each day until the prorogation. A debate ensued in the course of which the leaders of the late Government stated that they did not intend to offer, at this time, any opposition. The debate was still proceeding when our report left.

    Source: « Policy of the new government », The London Free Press and Daily Western Advertizer, 28 mai 1862, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • Confederation and the people (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Evening Times (Hamilton) Le lundi 21 novembre 1864

    The managers of the Confederation scheme seem to be doing their best to render their work unpopular, and secure for it an amount of opposition that on its merit it would never receive. Instead of presenting it to the public in a straightforward manner, in a manner expressive of their confidence in its inherent value, they seem determined to create difficulties where none should exist, and keep up obstructions in their own path. Let us see how it has been conducted. Some thirty gentlemen occupying official positions in the respective provinces received, without any authorization from the Parliaments they represented, to meet at Quebec for the purpose of initiating a scheme for the Confederation of all the Provinces, and preparing a constitution for the Government of the Provinces when so united. They met, and in a few weeks of hurried work conducted with as much secrecy as could be maintained, settled on the details of a change in our whole system of Government, and drafted a constitution under which they propose we shall live for all time to come. So far, we presume, their action was unblameable. Although they engaged in a work to which they had not been called by the people, they were acting under the authority of the Queen's representative, and in addition to this, they, as the leading [...] of the Provinces, were the ones whom public opinion, if it had been consulted, would have pointed out as the best qualified for the task.

    Public opinion was not consulted at first and it submitted with good grace. But public opinion has not been consulted since and it being moreover announced that public opinion will not be consulted at all, public opinion is growing indignant and hostile. The people were content that in the initiatory steps they should be excluded and that while the deliberations on their future political fate were going on the doors of the conference room should be closed upon them; but when all this was over and the scheme fully developed, they certainly hoped that sufficient respect would be shown them to lay before them the results arrived at. Such has not been the case. Eaves-droppings of what has been effected, stray paragraphs picked up by keen scented reporters, disjointed remarks made in after dinner speeches, are their sole portion. True we have the constitution given us in full, but in this we are over blessed, for we have so many constitutions given us that the matter is becoming more hopelessly confused than ever. The Journal de Quebec was the first to come out with the confederate scheme in detail, but it carefully introduced it with the remark that it was gathered from newspaper reports -- which in plain English meant that it was a hodgepodge of rumors and facts, more likely to be false than true. The Montreal Gazette not to be outdone by its French contemporary, soon after produced another constitution, which it pronounced a nearer approach to correctness that that of the Journal. Then came amendments to the Journal, which it was contended made its scheme perfect. The Globe pronounced them both incorrect and this morning lays before its readers a third constitution, which is of course the one, without shadow of doubt. As the constitution increases in perfection in travelling westward, as witness the Quebec, Montreal, and Toronto versions, we presume that the final and authorized text will turn up somewhere about Windsor, or, perhaps, Vancouver's Island. These constitutions are very good and the Quebec Journal, the Montreal Gazette and the Toronto globe deserve great credit for their Ingenuity as constitution makers, but what the people would like to see is the Quebec Conference's constitution. Our appreciation of the labors of the press compel us to place great value upon newspaper schemes, but at the same time, the scheme of the Conference officially announced is the one of the most practical importance at present. As it has been completed, signed and sealed, it would not be a work of extreme difficulty to give its text to the people, with such endorsation as would enable them to feel positive that at length they had obtained the pure article direct from the fountain head.

    With reference to the second step in the mismanagement, the expressed intention of adopting the new constitution without an appeal to the people, there is little to be said. The Globe and whatever other journals may favor it, may exhaust columns in showing the expense of another election, the uselessness of another election, the injurious effects of another election, and the thousand and one other evils that would result from an appeal to the people, but plausible as these reasonings may appear, they are crushed beneath the weight of the single reason offered in favor of an appeal to the people. If the people have any political power, if their voice should ever be heard, their power should be felt and their voice be heard on a question in which their whole future destiny is involved. If their direct decision on the Confederation question is unnecessary, we know of no question that has arisen in the past, we can imagine none in the future, of sufficient importance to justify an appeal to them. The polling booths thereafter may as well be turned into pig pens and the voters' lists cut up into pipe lighters.

    What good all this mystery is to do -- what benefits are to result from the attempt to ignore the people -- we know not; what evils are resulting, and will result from it, we do know. Extremely favorable to the scheme at first, there is a feeling growing up, that if they are to be completely shut out from participation in the movement, they may be compelled in the future to disown it, as none of their creation. They are beginning to matter that if the assent of the people is so trifling a matter now, that assent may not be forthcoming when it will be essential. For their assent is essential, and must be obtained, in spite of all that politicians may say or do. The Cabinet may pooh pooh it, and the Globe frown it down; but he will be a daring member of the Legislature who consents to a scheme that will never alter our whole constitution without first ascertaining the will of his constituents. That will must be consulted yet, and the attempt to smother its expression can have no effect except that of irritating it.

    Source: « Confederation and the people », The Evening Times (Hamilton), 21 novembre 1864, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • John A. Macdonald sur le régime fédéral (1864)

    Ces extraits du discours de Macdonald lors des débats sur la Confédération sont d'une très grande importance, car ils tracent la meilleure vue d'ensemble des principes à la base du régime fédéral, tel qu'il est défini dans l'Acte de l'Amérique du Nord britannique.

    ... Or quant aux avantages comparatifs d'une union législative et d'une union fédérale, je n'ai jamais hésité à dire que si la chose était praticable, une union législative eût été préférable. (Bravo, bravo) J'ai déclaré maintes et maintes fois que si nous pouvions avoir un gouvernement et un parlement pour l'ensemble des provinces, nous aurions le régime de gouvernement le meilleur, le moins dispendieux, le plus vigoureux et le plus fort. (Bravo, bravo). Mais en considérant ce sujet et en le discutant comme nous l'avons fait pendant la conférence, avec le désir d'en venir à une solution satisfaisante, nous avons trouvé que ce système était impraticable. En premier lieu, il ne saurait rencontrer l'assentiment du peuple du Bas-Canada qui sent que, dans la position particulière où il se trouve comme minorité, parlant une langue différente et professant une foi différente de celles de la majorité, advenant une bifurcation des points de vue, ses institutions, ses lois, ses liens ancestraux, qu'il estime hautement, pourraient avoir à souffrir. C'est pourquoi il a été compris que toute proposition qui impliquerait absorption de l'individualité, si j'ose dire, du Bas-Canada, ne serait pas reçue avec faveur par le peuple de cette section. De plus, nous avons remarqué que même si leurs habitants parlent la même langue et jouissent du même système judiciaire fondé sur la common law d'Angleterre que ceux du Haut-Canada, les provinces maritimes refusent autant de perdre leur individualité à titre d'organisations politiques distinctes, que le Bas-Canada. (Bravo, bravo). Ainsi, il fallut se résoudre soit à abandonner l'ensemble du projet de fédération, soit à concevoir un système d'union apte à préserver, jusqu'à un certain point, les organisations politiques provinciales distinctes...

    ... La conférence trouvant impraticable l'union législative pure et simple en est venue à adopter une forme de gouvernement fédéral qui pourra avoir toute la force d'une union législative et administrative, et en même temps, permettre aux différentes sections de conserver leur liberté d'action. Je crois fermement que nous avons trouvé un régime de gouvernement qui possède le double avantage de nous donner la puissance d'une union législative et la liberté d'une union fédérale, assurant la protection des intérêts locaux. Nous avons eu la chance d'observer l'expérience des États-Unis avant d'établir ce projet...

    Nous pouvons maintenant tirer profit de l'expérience des 78 dernières années durant lesquelles a existé cette Constitution, et je crois fermement que nous avons évité en grande partie, dans le système dont nous proposons l'adoption au peuple canadien, les défauts de la Constitution américaine, mis au grand jour par le temps et les récents événements...

    Depuis les débuts de leur union, les États-Unis ont connu des difficultés avec les« State Rights » qui ont fortement contribué à provoquer la présente guerre de mécontentement aux États-Unis. En fait, les Américains ont commencé par la fin. En effet, leur constitution stipule que chaque État est souverain en soi et que tous les pouvoirs attachés à la souveraineté lui appartiennent, sauf les pouvoirs que la Constitution confère au gouvernement général et au Congrès. Ici, nous avons adopté un système différent. Nous avons renforcé le gouvernement général. Nous avons attribué à la législature générale tous les grands domaines de législation. Non seulement avons-nous donné à la législature et au gouvernement généraux tous les pouvoirs qui se rattachent à la souveraineté de façon détaillée, mais nous avons aussi convenu expressément que les domaines d'intérêt général non attribués de façon claire et exclusive aux législatures et aux gouvernements locaux seront conférés à la législature et au gouvernement généraux. Nous avons ainsi évité la grande source de faiblesse qui a été la cause des perturbations aux États-Unis. Nous avons évité tout conflit de juridiction et d'autorité, et si cette Constitution est acceptée, nous aurons, comme je l'ai déjà dit, les avantages d'une union législative dans une même administration et les garanties du maintien des institutions et des lois locales exigées par tant de personnes dans les provinces qui seront désormais, et je le souhaite, réunies...

    ... Le distingué membre qui examinera la liste des différents domaines assignés respectivement aux législatures générale et locales, notera que tout ce qui touche les intérêts de la Confédération dans son ensemble a été confié au parlement fédéral, tandis que les lois et les intérêts locaux propres à chaque section sont gardés intacts et placés entre les mains des organismes locaux. Naturellement, le parlement général doit avoir le pouvoir de gérer la dette et les biens publics de la Confédération. Bien sûr, il doit aussi régir les lois sur le commerce, les douanes et accises. Le parlement fédéral doit détenir le pouvoir souverain de prélever de l'argent des sources et par les moyens indiqués par les élus de la population. Il faut faire en sorte que les législatures locales aient le contrôle de tous les travaux locaux. De plus, il est vital, et il s'agit d'un des plus grands avantages de l'union fédérale et des législatures locales, que chaque province possède le pouvoir et les moyens de développer ses propres ressources, et qu'elle favorise son propre progrès selon sa culture et ses habitudes. Ainsi, toutes les améliorations, entreprises et exploitations locales ont été laissées entre les mains et administration des législatures locales de chaque province. (Acclamations)...

    ... En ce qui concerne les gouvernements locaux, il est prévu que chacun de ces derniers sera gouverné par un représentant administratif en chef nommé par le gouvernement général. Puisque cette province fait partie de l'union, avec sa législature locale et son gouvernement local subordonné à la législature et au gouvernement généraux, il est clair que le représentant administratif en chef de chaque province sera lui aussi subordonné. Le gouvernement général assumera envers les gouvernements locaux exactement la même responsabilité que le gouvernement impérial assume présentement envers les colonies; de la même manière que le lieutenant-gouverneur de chacune des provinces est nommé directement par la reine, qu'il est responsable et qu'il répond directement devant Sa Majesté, les dirigeants des gouvernements locaux seront subordonnés au représentant de la reine, ils seront responsables et répondront devant lui...

    ... En guise de conclusion, j'implore la Chambre de ne pas laisser passer cette occasion. Il s'agit d'une chance qui ne se présentera peut-être plus jamais. Au risque de me répéter, je dirais que ce n'est que par un heureux concours de circonstances que nous avons été en mesure de conduire cette grande idée à son état actuel. Si nous ne prenons pas avantage de cet instant, si nous ne nous montrons pas à la hauteur de la situation, celle-ci risque de ne plus se présenter et nous regretterons amèrement et vainement le fait de ne pas avoir profité de l'occasion de fonder une grande nation sous la bonne garde de la Grande-Bretagne et de notre Souveraine, la reine Victoria. (Vives acclamations au milieu desquelles l'honorable interlocuteur reprit son siège.)

    Source: « John A. Macdonald sur le régime fédéral (1864) ». Débats parlementaires sur la question de la confédération des provinces de l'Amérique britannique du Nord : 3e session, 8e Parlement provincial du Canada. Québec : Hunter, Rose et Lemieux, 1865. p. 30-44.
    © Chambre des Communes

  • L'Amérique du Nord britannique

    Article tiré de : The Daily Citizen (Ottawa) Juillet 1867

    Réflexion sur les générations : un poème sur la confédération des provinces de l'Amérique britannique / J. T. Breeze

    [Traduction libre]

    Celui qui règne sur les cieux infinis
    Là où se trouve la plus grande des planètes,
    Celui qui voit tout d'un seul regard
    Qui existe partout et perçoit tout
    Savait très bien il y a des millions d'années,
    Qu'arriverait le moment
    Où ces vastes contrées se grouperaient en une seule
    Afin d'accomplir une de ses volontés.
    Pour unir l'excellence des puissances européennes,
    Ne laisse pas la mauvaise graine pousser dans nos champs
    Amène vers l'ouest de partout dans le monde,
    Ceux capables de vivre ensemble dans le bonheur.
    Nous avons été choisis par Dieu
    Pour être le modèle de la nation libre.
    Le jeune Jonathan a eu sa chance
    Mais par ses mensonges, il a perdu sa confiance;
    Maintenant son cousin, éprouvé par la grâce de Dieu,
    A pris l'illustre place qu'il a délaissée.
    Honnêtes, solidement ancrés à cette place,
    Tâchons de ne pas courir à notre perte comme d'autres nations;
    Veillons à être prêts en tout temps,
    À faire honneur à notre pays; partout ailleurs,
    Existe une loi, un principe divin
    Qui ressort dans mon noble exposé :
    Dieu utilise toutes ces épreuves
    Pour montrer aux hommes de nouvelles leçons.
    Il existe un nouvel espoir
    Duquel les hommes discutent quelquefois :
    La crasse tombe à chaque génération
    Qui souillait une page de l'Histoire;
    Et le bonheur viendra, oui, le bonheur universel
    Et s'installera là où se trouvaient jadis des erreurs.
    L'homme peut faire le bien ou le mal,
    Mais Dieu gouverne tout, donnant à l'humanité son dû;
    Le monde continue d'évoluer, laissant l'homme faire ce qu'il veut,
    Mais un tel Gallio interviendra chaque fois.
    La décision des Cieux de rénover la terre,
    De la rendre plus brillante qu'elle ne le fut à l'origine,
    Se produira malgré les mauvaises langues,
    L'athéisme des mécréants et le doute des incrédules,
    Car l'esprit de Dieu régnera
    Veillant sur chaque scène, partout et toujours.

    Source: Breeze, J. T. «L'Amérique du Nord britannique : réflexion sur les générations, un poème sur la confédération des provinces de l'Amérique britannique » (traduction libre), The Daily Citizen (Ottawa), juillet 1867.
    © Domaine public

  • Jour de la Confédération!

    Article tiré de : The Globe Le lundi 1er juillet 1867, vol. 24, no 156 (supplément), p. 4, col. 1

    [Traduction libre]

    C'est aujourd'hui que, suivant la nouvelle Constitution du pays, prend effet l'union des provinces du Canada, de la Nouvelle-Écosse et du Nouveau-Brunswick. Nous félicitons sincèrement nos lecteurs de cet événement et prions ardemment pour que tous les bienfaits anticipés par les promoteurs de l'union se réalisent.

    L'inauguration de la nouvelle Constitution est sans aucun doute le jour le plus réjouissant qui fera date dans la vie des gens du Haut-Canada. La Constitution de 1867 deviendra célèbre dans les annales historiques du Haut-Canada, non seulement parce qu'elle aura permis l'alliance des deux Canadas et de deux États maritimes florissants, l'ouverture de nouveaux marchés pour nos produits et une ligne de chemin de fer directe traversant le territoire britannique vers l'Atlantique; mais aussi parce qu'elle soulagera les habitants de l'Ouest du Canada de l'injustice et du découragement dont ils ont souffert pendant de trop nombreuses années.

    L'esprit d'unanimité et de sympathie dans lequel toutes les classes de la population du Canada accueillent la nouvelle Constitution augure bien de son succès. Et, assurément, si la population des provinces unies est sincère et exerce un contrôle constant et attentif sur les affaires publiques, il n'y a nulle ombre d'un doute sur son succès futur. Le seul danger qui nous menace est de voir les mêmes hommes qui nous ont mal gouvernés pendant si longtemps continuer de le faire et la prodigalité caractéristique du passé se perpétuer; mais cela ne nous effraie pas. Nous croyons fermement qu'à partir d'aujourd'hui le Canada commence une vie nouvelle plus heureuse et qu'il entre dans une ère de grande prospérité et de progrès.

    Source: « Jour de la Confédération! » (traduction libre), The Globe, 1er juillet 1867, vol. 24, no 56, supplément, p. 4.
    © Domaine public

  • Jour de la Confédération à Toronto - Programme des festivités

    Article tiré de : The Globe Le lundi 1er juillet 1867, vol. 24, no 156 (supplément), p. 4, col. 2

    [Traduction libre]

    Aujourd'hui, notre dévouée cité fera sa part pour célébrer un événement qui rendra cette journée mémorable dans les annales des provinces. Aujourd'hui, nous devenons citoyens du Dominion. Le gouvernement du Haut-Canada siégera à nouveau à Toronto sous le nom de province de l'Ontario. La Ville a mis tout en œuvre pour que ce jour de fête soit digne de l'occasion; et, même si diverses circonstances en ont entravé les préparations, il y en a eu suffisamment pour faire en sorte que la journée reste gravée dans nos mémoires comme un événement historique.

    Avant que nos lecteurs aient reçu le journal, quelques éléments du programme de la journée seront déjà choses du passé. Plusieurs heures avant que notre journal arrive à nos lecteurs, les cloches de St. James auront brisé le silence de minuit pour transmettre à la ville la bonne nouvelle qu'une importante période de notre histoire commençait; et à 4 h ce matin, un détachement du 10e Régiment Royal se sera rassemblé à la salle d'exercices, aura hissé l'Union Jack au nouveau mât érigé devant la salle. Le drapeau du 10e Régiment Royal aura aussi été hissé en même temps du côté nord de la salle. Immédiatement après, une salve de 21 fusils aura salué l'Union Jack.

    À 6 h ce matin, le capitaine Woodhouse, du navire Lord Nelson, commencera le rôtissage d'un énorme boeuf au pied de la rue Church. L'animal, de première qualité, a été acheté par soumission de M. Joseph Lennox de Yorkville. Le rôtissage prendra une grande partie de la journée, après quoi on distribuera la viande aux pauvres de la ville.

    À 9 h 30, une réunion intéressante est prévue à la salle de conférence du Mechanics' Institute. Elle se déroulera sous les auspices de la branche torontoise de l'Evangical Alliance, et les chrétiens de toutes appartenances sont invités à y assister pour demander la bénédiction divine du nouveau Dominion. L'honorable vice-chancelier Mowat, le président de l'Alliance et les révérends Baldwin et Dewart, ainsi que d'autres invités, feront de brèves allocutions.

    À 10 h 30, une revue d'armes se déroulera du côté ouest de l'avenue Spadina. Le rassemblement des volontaires à leurs quartiers généraux doit avoir lieu à 9 h et ils devraient être sur le terrain à temps pour l'arrivée du général, prévue à 10 h 30. Les hussards du 13e, l'infanterie du 17e, deux batteries de l'artillerie régulière et une de l'artillerie volontaire, la Queen's Own, les Royals du 10e, les troupes du Grand Trunk Volunteer, la compagnie d'artillerie de fort du capitaine McLean feront partie de la revue d'armes. Une ligne d'honneur accueillera le général Stisted sur le terrain. À son arrivée, l'infanterie allumera un feu de joie et l'artillerie exécutera un salut royal.

    Dans l'après-midi, on tiendra un pique-nique et un festival sur les terrains du gouvernement pour venir en aide à la construction de l'école St. Patrick et de l'église temporaire de la rue Dummer.

    Les directeurs de la Horticultural Society ont organisé un très beau spectacle pour la soirée. Les orchestres des hussards du 17e et du 13e seront présents, et le programme prévu attirera certainement de grandes foules. Après le concert, les orchestres offriront de la musique de danse.

    Vers 9 h en soirée, des feux d'artifice seront lancés à Queen's Park. Des lanternes illumineront les avenues menant au parc, et un orchestre sera sur place pour ajouter au plaisir de l'événement. En plus de ces activités dans la ville, le Great Western annonce des tarifs réduits à partir de différents points sur son parcours. La Northern annonce une excursion en ville à partir de différentes gares; et le vapeur City of Toronto partira à 7 h pour amener un groupe d'excursionnistes à Lewiston, aux Chutes et à Buffalo.

    Le Rothesay Castle fera trois sorties autour de l'île, pour accommoder les excursionnistes qui préfèrent les courts voyages sur le lac. Les départs sont prévus à 1 h, 2 h et 3 h.

    Enfin, on aura droit à des éclairages spéciaux et à des feux d'artifice. Le bureau de poste, le dépôt de combustibles et d'autres établissements seront tout illuminés pendant qu'une grande quantité de feux d'artifice éclateront devant le Queen's et bien d'autres endroits.

    Source: « Jour de la Confédération à Toronto - Programme des festivités » (traduction libre), The Globe, 1er juillet 1867, vol. 24, no 56, supplément, p. 4.
    © Domaine public

  • Untitled (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Ottawa Times City and Council Official Paper Le 1er juillet 1867, p. 2

    The first of July, A.D. 1867 will ever be a memorable day in the history of this country. It will mark a very solemn era in the progress of British North America. By the Constitution which this day comes in force will be solved the great problem -- a problem in which not we alone, but the whole world is intimately concerned -- whether British constitutional principles are to take root and flourish in the Western Hemisphere, or unbridled Democracy shall have a whole continent on which to erect the despotism of the mob. The issue is one of national existence combined with the enjoyment of rational liberty against the universal rule of an unrestrained Democracy.

    Today it is a question involving the destiny of four millions, a few ages hence, of forty millions of people. The Upper Canada and the Lower Canada of yesterday -- the Ontario and Quebec of today -- should have agreed to serve in the administration of local affairs, which for a quarter of a century, with much bickering and many told and untold heartburnings, they have administered together to the general advantage of the whole and the mutual profit of each, is a comparatively small matter. They have but agreed, each with the other, to take the littleness of their own individual affairs under the management of their own household; that they might be able to join with great cordiality in the administration of the great questions common to both. That the Acadian Provinces have joined their fortunes with the future of the Canadian Provinces is indeed a great thing -- the immediate fruits of the triumph of Confederation up to this day -- but the Union Act, the supremacy of which is this day to be celebrated, contemplates results of which as yet only the first step has been achieved.

    British American Union from Fort William to Cape Breton, is indeed a great triumph since the time that the people of the several Provinces began to emancipate themselves from the littleness of their local politics. But the spanning of the continent from the Atlantic to the Pacific, the incorporation of every foot of British American territory, from Newfoundland to Vancouver is the ultimate object for the accomplishment of which every patriotic man should labor, as the laying of the foundation of the edifice of British American greatness. Let us have our whole country for the due development of the whole Constitution. To pause now in the onward march would be to endanger the security of what we have already accomplished. Let us not be blinded by old local prejudices, or our time filtered away in the bootless discussion of ancient quarrels. The only sectionalism consistent with the new state of affairs is that which will rest not until every section of British North America is brought within the boundary of the new Dominion, -- the only party is that which recognises the right of all parties to assist in, and labor for the accomplishment of the end contemplated in the formation of the new Constitution.

    Sursum corda -- "Raise up your hearts" -- was the advice of the great French philosopher; but the heart of the philosopher is ruled by his head, and the heads of the people by their hearts. If the heart delights in the pride of knowledge or the mysteries of science, it is drawn thereto by the intellect; if the intellect rejoices in the progress of the world, in the planning of means for the alleviation of human misery, in the development of all that contributes to the enjoyment of life and the furtherance of social and material progress, it is drawn thereto by the heart. And today it lies more in the mouth of the patriot than the philosopher, to say to the people of the new Dominion -- Sursum corda -- "Raise up your hearts" -- above the petty strifes of an obsolete regime, above the narrow prejudices of a selfish sectionalism, above the bitterness of party politics and personal hatreds, above the low level of your cast-off Provincialism. "Raise up your hearts" to the new duties imposed by a new condition of things, to the fresh obligations created by a wider sphere of political action, and above all to a due appreciation of the imperative duty resting upon you to make of the new Constitution an entire and complete success -- territorially and politically, that here on this Western continent may be laid broad and deep the foundations of a solid superstructure of civil government, within the pale of which all men may find security for life, liberty and property.

    To such ends the statesman and the patriot may well ask the people to raise up their hearts on this the inauguration day of the new Dominion, the first of the supremacy of the new Constitution, framed by the best political wisdom of British North America, sanctioned by the unanimous approval of the Imperial Legislature, and given to us with a blessing by Her Most Gracious Majesty THE QUEEN, as the charter of our liberties and the guiding line of our future national life.

    Source: [Untitled : traduction libre], The Ottawa Times, 1er juillet 1867, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • Celebration of Dominion Day (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Expositor Le 5 juillet 1867, p. 2

    Monday last, the 1st day of July, was celebrated in this town, in a right loyal manner. The weather was all that could have been desired, and the day was ushered in by the ringing of bells and the discharge of firearms of every description. At an early hour the Grand Trunk Artillery boomed forth a Royal salute, and shortly afterwards the streets presented a lively and animated appearance. Crowds from the country came pouring in from every quarter, and by 12 o'clock the streets were one living mass of human beings bent on doing honor to the birthday of the new Dominion. At 9 o'clock the Christian public met in the Congressional Church, and prayer was offered up for the success and prosperity of the Confederacy.

    The Procession

    Consisting of the 7th Royal Fusiliers, the 38th Battalion Brant Infantry, the Burford Cavalry, and the Grand Trunk Volunteers, formed on the Market Square and headed by their respective bands marched to Sandy Hill for a grand review. The Orange Order brought up the rear in the procession. B.G. Tisdale, Esq., and W.J. Imlach, Esq., acted as marshals on the occasion. The firemen and other citizens were not present in the procession owing to some difficulty with the committee arrangement of the Town Council; this is to be regretted. -- On Sandy Hill the whole force was reviewed by Major Hickie, in the absence of Colonel Cooper. After firing a Royal salute and marching past in quick time, three hearty British cheers were given for the Queen, and the different organizations marched down the hill and up Market street to the Market Square where the Royal Proclamation was read, and the commands proceeded to their rendezvous and dispersed for the day. A meeting for the purpose of adopting an address to the Queen was afterwards held in the Town Hall!

    Source: « Celebration of Dominion Day », The Expositor, 5 juillet 1867, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

Québec

  • Nouvelles de Québec

    Article tiré de : Montreal Gazette Le mardi matin 20 octobre 1864

    [Traduction libre]

    Ce qui suit est un télégramme spécial en provenance de Québec du correspondant éditorialiste de la Montreal Gazette, daté d'hier soir :

    « La discussion sur la représentation de la Chambre haute se poursuit et même si rien n'a encore été décidé, un accord reste possible.

    La Conférence pourrait se poursuivre jusqu'au milieu de la semaine prochaine.

    Les délégués de Terre-Neuve resteront jusqu'à la clôture.

    Le lieutenant-gouverneur de la Nouvelle-Écosse a quitté hier.

    Acte de violence à St. Albans

    Ce qui suit est une dépêche télégraphique reçue hier après-midi sur la ligne Vermont et Boston :

    St. Albans, Vermont, le 19 -- Une bande de 20 malfaiteurs rebelles est arrivée à St. Albans cet après-midi, tirant sur les citoyens et en tuant certains. Ils ont dévalisé toutes les banques, volé 15 à 20 chevaux, en ont tués quatre ou cinq et blessés plusieurs. Ils ont quitté la ville, mais ils sont attendus à nouveau avec du renfort.

    Si cette affirmation s'avère fondée et exacte, un village paisible et prospère, situé sur la ligne du Vermont Central Railway, près de Rouses Point et à proximité des frontières du Canada, a été victime d'un acte de violence grave. Il n'est pas mentionné si les malfaiteurs arrivaient du Canada ou s'ils s'étaient réunis et cachés près du village où ils ont commis leur méfait. Mais la situation est telle qu'elle en appelle à la vigilance du gouvernement du Canada. Nombreux sont ceux parmi nos lecteurs qui ont pu voir dans les dépêches de minuit de notre dernière édition que le journal de Richmond (le Whig) a menacé d'exercer des représailles pour l'horrible destruction dont la vallée de la Shenandoa a été victime, en incendiant des villes du nord; le journal a avancé également que le Canada était l'un des lieux de rendez-vous des malfaiteurs. Il est du devoir du gouvernement et de la population du Canada de voir à ce que le droit d'asile qu'ils accordent sur leur sol ne soit ni trahi ni violé ainsi. Ce gouvernement ne doit ménager aucun effort pour prévenir une telle chose; c'est aussi le premier devoir des habitants de ce pays, spécialement de ceux qui habitent près des frontières, de donner toute information sur un attentat dont ils sont témoins à l'officier civil le plus proche, et le devoir de ce dernier d'en informer immédiatement le gouvernement. Nous devons, nous le répétons, préserver notre neutralité et le droit d'asile que le sol britannique garde inviolé, et punir avec la plus stricte sévérité toute infraction découverte. Sinon, nous serons entraînés de force dans une guerre inutile; notre frontière à l'est s'illuminera des incendies allumés aux maisons paisibles, et le sol des pays des deux côtés de la frontière rougira du sang des victimes. Nous ne pouvons pas avancer que le gouvernement confédéré ait, de quelque façon, sanctionné les actes outrageants qui ont été perpétrés à St. Albans ni qu'ils ont été commis par les Confédérés. Ce que nous pouvons dire, c'est que notre pays n'a rien fait pour mériter que son sol soit violé par l'autorité confédérée, tel qu'envisagé par le Whig de Richmond. Surprendre ainsi une ville paisible, abattre les gens dans la rue et commettre en même temps des vols n'a rien d'une guerre civilisée. Il s'agit davantage d'un acte de barbarie. Cela revient à dévaster un pays qui n'a pas d'armée régulière pour se défendre; mais le premier fait ne justifie pas le deuxième aux yeux du monde civilisé. Une guerre civilisée consiste à tuer, ou tenter de tuer des hommes avec des armes à la main; toute autre forme de guerre est simplement un meurtre qui répugne à l'humanité tout entière.

    Après avoir écrit ce qui précède, nous avons entendu que les fils du télégraphe ont été coupés; le rapport de minuit (ces lignes sont écrites pendant la soirée) ne pourra donc pas nous en apprendre davantage. Selon un passager qui arrivait de Rouses Point, l'affaire ne serait pas un raid confédéré, mais plutôt un vol de banque perpétré par des individus qui se sont cachés à proximité d'une des banques de St. Albans, qu'ils croyaient dépositaire d'une grande quantité d'or. Les banques des villages ne sont certes pas protégées par tous les moyens de sécurité modernes. Notre informateur affirme que, dès que la nouvelle a été connue, le bateau a quitté Rouses Point précipitamment, avec l'intention de ne pas passer à Burlington. Un autre informateur nous a confié qu'un télégramme personnel reçu dans la ville à 8 h 30 lui apprenait que des personnes avaient été aperçues quelques jours auparavant errant dans le village de St. Albans.

    Source: « Nouvelles de Québec » (traduction libre), Montreal Gazette, 20 octobre 1864.
    © Domaine public

  • L'ère de la Confédération

    Article tiré de : La Gazette de Joliette, le 1er juillet 1867, p. 2

    Une nouvelle ère commence aujourd'hui pour nous ; un nouveau régime politique remplace pour nous, habitants du Canada, celui qui nous régissait depuis vingt six [sic] ans. En ce jour, par la force de la loi, quatre millions d'hommes disséminés sur une immense étendue de territoire, sont réunis sous un même drapeau, le drapeau de la Confédération du Canada. Donc en ce jour, quatre millions d'âmes doivent commencer à favoriser le progrès matériel et intellectuel de cette nouvelle puissance, et nous aimons à le croire. On va mettre de côté les petites misères de parti, les chicanes domestiques qui nous divisaient depuis bien longtemps pour travailler en commun au bien être [sic] du peuple.

    Cette époque est, sans contredit, l'une des plus célèbres de notre histoire, et grâce à la sagesse des chefs politiques ces changements constitutionnels se sont accomplis sans trouble et sans aucune effusion de sang. L'histoire redira avec orgueil cette phrase de notre vie comme peuple, et ceux qui seront ainsi entrés dans l'union spontanément mériteront les louanges de la prospérité.

    Source: « L'ère de la Confédération », La Gazette de Joliette, 1er juillet 1867, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • L'ère de la Confédération : proclamation

    Article tiré de : La Gazette de Joliette Le 1er juillet 1867, p. 2

    A midi, la Proclamation de la Reine, pour réunir les Provinces du Canada, Nouvelle-Ecosse et Nouveau-Brunswick dans une même souveraineté sous le nom de Canada, a été affichée à la porte de l'Hôtel de ville, par son Honneur le Maire de Joliette. Il a été aussi ordonné de tirer 21 coups de canon de l'avènement de la Confédération.

    Source: « L'ère de la Confédération : proclamation », La Gazette de Joliette, 1er juillet 1867, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • Untitled poem : traduction libre

    Article tiré de : Montreal Gazette Le 1er juillet 1867

    [Traduction libre]

    Canada, Canada, terre de l'érable,
    Roi des forêts, des rivières et des lacs,
    Ouvre ton âme au cri de tes enfants,
    Ne ferme pas ton coeur à leur musique
    Carillons, résonnez gaiement.
    Trompettes, appelez joyeusement
    Dans le silence du chant, le sommeil s'éveille!

    Canada, Canada, terre du castor,
    Le travail et l'adresse trouvent leur gloire aujourd'hui;
    Que la joie qui en émane coule telle une rivière!
    Qui se fait plus large et plus profonde avec le temps.
    Carillons, résonnez gaiement.
    Trompettes, appelez joyeusement
    La science et l'industrie rient et sont heureuses!

    Canada, Canada, terre du bruant des neiges
    Emblème de la constance que le changement ne peut tuer
    Espérance qu'aucune coupe n'a réussi à enivrer
    Buvons du calice rempli d'amour
    Carillons, résonnez gaiement.
    Trompettes, appelez joyeusement
    La loyauté règne et la trahison stagne!

    Canada, Canada, terre des braves
    Enfants du sentier de la guerre et de la mer
    Terre sans coups de fouet, bien qu'aujourd'hui soient esclaves
    Des millions de coeurs remplis d'amour pour toi
    Carillons, résonnez gaiement.
    Trompettes, appelez joyeusement
    Laissez le ciel se remplir du chant de l'homme libre!

    Source: [Untitled poem : traduction libre], Montreal Gazette, 1er juillet 1867.
    © Domaine public

  • Sans titre

    Article tiré de : Le Canada Le 2 juillet 1867, p. 2

    La Confédération a été inaugurée hier dans toute l'étendue de la Souveraineté du Canada par des réjouissances magnifiques.

    Notre bonne ville de Québec, redevenue encore une fois capitale, a voulu aussi chômer l'ère nouvelle. Les affaires sont restées suspendues; des pavillons, des drapeaux flottaient sur presque toutes [sic] les édifices publics.

    A onze heures, les régiments de la garnison et les différents corps des volontaires se formèrent en carré sur l'Esplanade, tandis qu'une foule compacte se pressait aux alentours. Son Honneur le Maire fit la lecture de la proclamation, et aussitôt trois hourrahs enthousiastes poussés par les troupes et les spectateurs, saluèrent le nouvel ordre de choses. Cette réunion, ces acclamations, nous rappellent les immenses assemblées des Francs, les fêtes des champs de mai de la vieille monarchie française.

    La proclamation fut aussi lue à Saint-Roch, au faubourg Saint-Jean et le plus grand enthousiasme a éclaté dans ces faubourgs.

    Pendant le reste de la journée, la ville semblait presque déserte ; la température était accablante et chacun cherchait l'ombre et la fraîcheur de la campagne pour fuir le double fléau des villes, la chaleur et la poussière. On avait organisé de toutes parts de nombreuses parties de plaisir, et l'Ile d'Orléans, Lorette, le Sault Montmorency, etc., reçurent chacun leur contingent de citadins, fiers et heureux de fêter la Confédération à la campagne.

    Le soir, il y eut illumination dans une bonne partie de notre ville, l'Evêché, le Séminaire, l'Université et les mains d'un très grand nombre de citoyens montraient des croisées brillantes de lumières. Un immense transparent placé sur le haut de l'Université laissait voir en lettre [sic] de feu le nom de Laval et plusieurs devises.

    Le bureau du Mercury était bien décoré, un tableau emblématique attirait les regards de la foule. Quatre femmes personnifiaient les provinces confédérées, tandis que dans le fond scène on apercevait au milieu de l'Océan un dauphin monté par un insulaire de l'île du Prince-Edouard, plus loin un caniche mal peigné rappelait les récalcitrants de Terreneuve.

    Les résidences de sir N. F. Belleau et de l'hon. M. Langevin, maître-général des Postes, étaient illuminées d'une manière splendide.

    M. Holiwell, en face du bureau de poste, avait disposé dans ses croisées plusieurs jolis transparents et des devises telles que : Succès à la Confédération, l'Union fait la force.

    La rue Saint-Jean était illuminée dans toute son étendue, partout on lisait des inscriptions anglaises et françaises, Vive la Confédération, Success to the New Dominion, United we stand, Divided we fall.

    Les vaisseaux dans le port étaient illuminés et pavoisés ; cette multitude de lumières répétées dans les eaux du fleuve produisait un effet enchanteur. Les marins lancèrent nombre de fusées, des chandelles romaines, etc.

    Nos voisins de l'autre côté du fleuve avaient rivalisé de zèle pour célébrer la Confédération, et ils sont arrivés à un résultat en tout digne de la florissante ville de Lévis. Vue de Québec l'illumination avait un aspect magnifique.

    Dans le lointain, on apercevait sur les rives de l'Ile d'Orléans des feux de joie, et des pièces d'artifices partaient du campement militaire.

    Source: [Sans titre], Le Canada, 2 juillet 1867, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • Le 1er juillet

    Article tiré de : Le Courrier du Canada Le 3 juillet 1867, p. 2

    Lundi, Québec a célébré, sinon avec pompe du moins avec enthousiasme, l'inauguration de la nouvelle constitution. Dès le matin, les rues étaient sillonnées par des milliers de curieux ; en certains endroits des drapeaux flottaient gaîment au vent. Partout les affaires étaient suspendues, les magasins fermés.

    A dix heures et demie, les troupes de la garnison et les corps de milices débouchèrent musique en tête sur l'Esplanade.

    A onze heures, Son Honneur le Maire de Québec, revêtu de son costume officiel, arriva sur l'Esplanade escorté par un escadron de la cavalerie volontaire et donna lecture de la proclamation royale décrétant l'avènement de l'Union fédérale des Provinces.

    Après la lecture de la proclamation un salut royal fut tiré de la citadelle et les troupes qui s'étaient formées en carré se déployèrent et furent passées en revue par le commandant de la garnison. A midi, les troupes régulières et les corps de volontaires s'alignèrent le long des terrassements de l'Esplanade et firent successivement trois décharges de mousqueterie auxquelles répondirent la batterie de campagne stationnée sur la terrasse du château St. Louis, les canons de la citadelle et les canons des trois navire [sic] de guerres [sic] ancrés dans le port. Dans l'intervalle qui séparait chaque décharge, les deux bandes de musique des troupes régulière [sic] et la bande du 9ème bataillon jouaient simultanément le God save the Queen.

    La revue se termina par trois formidables vivats poussés par les troupes et répétés par les spectateurs.

    Le soir, tout Québec était sur la terrasse du château St. Louis, dans le jardin du fort et sur les glacis pour assister au feu d'artifice qui devait être tiré des navires de guerre. A neuf heures et demi, l'Aurora, le Cordelia et le Cadmus s'illuminaient simultanément. Le feu d'artifice, sans être aussi brillant qu'il aurait dû l'être, réussit bien. A dix heures, le port présentait, du haut de la terrasse, le spectacle le plus beau qu'il soit donné de voir : dans le port, des fusées aux couleurs brillantes se croisant dans tous les sens ; les navires de guerre paraissant vomir le feu par leurs sabords; Lévis tout illuminé présentant l'aspect d'un foyer ardent.

    Le spectacle n'a pas dû être moins beau pour les habitants de Lévis, car un grand nombre de maisons privées et plusieurs édifices publics de Québec étaient brillamment illuminés. Nous avons remarqué entre autres : l'Université Laval, l'Archevêché, le Séminaire de Québec, l'Ecole Normale, l'Hôtel St. Louis, l'hôtel Russell, l'hôtel Dexter, ect., ect.

    A dix heures et demie l'illumination était terminée et la foule immense, qui avait envahi tous les points élevés ayant vue sur le port, s'écoulait paisiblement dans les rues.

    Les démonstrations ont été favorisées toute la journée par un temps splendide.

    A Montréal, à Trois-Rivières et à St. Hyacinthe, le 1er juillet a été fêté avec un entrain qui témoigne de la foi que les populations ont dans l'avenir de la la [sic] nouvelle constitution.

    Source: « Le 1er juillet », Le Courrier du Canada, 3 juillet 1867, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • Dominion Day in Quebec (Anglais seulement)

    Source: « Dominion Day in Quebec », Quebec Gazette, 3 juillet 1867, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • Fête de la Confédération

    Article tiré de : La Gazette de Joliette Le 4 juillet 1867, p. 2

    Les journaux de toutes les parties du pays nous apportent des détails sur la fête de 1er juillet. L'on voit que tout le peuple a accepté de bon cœur la nouvelle constitution et qu'il était satisfait du nouveau régime qui vient de commencer.

    Il y a dans le fait de cette réjouissance nationale une réponse énergique aux insinuations de quelques démagogues, qui crient bien haut que les Canadiens-Français étaient opposées [sic] à la Confédération. Si quelques hommes sincères étaient opposés à une notre nouvelle forme de gouvernement, ils ne manqueront pas maintenant de se rallier au grand parti national qui doit se former pour la protection de nos lois, de notre langue et de notre religion.

    A Joliette, il y a eu peu de démonstrations durant le jour. Le soir, il y eut quelques illuminations. Le Palais de Justice présentait un beau coup d'œil. Des flots de lumière jaillissaient de toutes les croisées sur le devant de la Cour du Greffe et des appartements du Gardien de la prison. Nous croyons que l'illumination du Palais de Justice avait été préparée sous l'habile direction de M. le Shérif Leprohon.

    Plusieurs résidences privées étaient aussi illuminées. Nous mentionnerons spécialement celles de MM. B. H. Leprohon, Shérif, G. Beaudoin, régistrateur et L. T. Groulx, Protonotaire. Les lumières avaient été disposées habilement de manière à produire un effet grandiose.

    Source: « Fête de la Confédération », La Gazette de Joliette, 4 juillet 1867, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

Terre-Neuve

  • Letter to the editor from C. F. Bennett (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Morning Chronicle (St. John's) Le lundi 7 décembre 1868

    To the Editor Morning Chronicle:

    Sir -- When I recently intruded myself on the public notice in the columns of your Journal, on the subject of Confederation, I did so reluctantly, but was urged thereto by a deep sense of duty, which I felt I owed to the inhabitants of this country -- a country in which I have lived between fifty and sixty years, from many of whose people I have received much kindness, and with whom I have been more or less associated in public, social and commercial relations during that period. Little as this great question can interest myself at my advanced time of life, comparatively with others, and when I am from necessity about to leave the country to spend the few years that are yet to be spared to me free from toil and the anxieties of business, I cannot witness the pending ruin that threatens the future prosperity and happiness of the people without pointing it out to them. For the past few years, as I have previously stated, the Confederates have, under the patronage of the Government, with the use of the public revenues, by dogmatic assertions wholly unfounded in truth, and by every other means in their power, been urging and enforcing on the public the adoption of Confederation, without (down to the present time) having given one single substantial reason, or having pointed out one benefit that the Colony is to derive from entering into that Confederacy.

    Since the publication of my former letter, the whole of the Press retained by the Government, (and I regret to say that the number of those not so retained is extremely limited, not exceeding three, or at most four in the whole colony,) have been more or less abusive of me for the part I have taken; and instead of answering my letter and my stubborn facts by fair arguments, are reiterating their old, baseless, and untenable assertions that Confederation is to be a good thing, but omitting to show in what manner. The Express would divert my own, as well as the public attention, from Confederation to subjects altogether apart from it -- namely, the merits and demerits of Responsible Government, and the conflicting disputes between the present Government and the one preceding the introduction of Responsible Government. He adduces a long list of figures to show that Responsible Government, (as he and Mr. Glen call it, but which I call the Irresponsible Government,) has been more economical and better than any preceding Government; but to the correctness of this I take a decided objection, and may, when I am more at leisure, be inclined to show them in other figures that it is not so. On this subject I will, however, on the present occasion limit myself simply by asserting of the fact that the only really Responsible Government that we ever had, in practice, was the Government they are now attempting to vilify -- namely, the one that preceded what is termed the Responsible Government. That Government not only had a check upon the conduct of the House of Assembly, (the majority of which were using every possible means to get rid of it to afford them the opportunity they have since had of feathering their own nests at the public expense,) but they had also the check of the Governor and without the joint consent of these two branches not a sixpence could be spent by those who formed the Government; for had they expended the public money, without it they would have had to pay it back out of their own pockets, and might possibly have lost their places; and gladly would the hostile House of Assembly have availed themselves of the opportunity of so punishing them for the honest and sensible opposition which they had so long offered to the grasping propensities of those who were seeking to establish the present Irresponsible system. It would have been a happy circumstance for this Colony had these gentlemen been permitted to conduct the Government, a work for which they were so thoroughly competent, instead of admitting the worse than imbecile and incompetent men who succeeded to their places. The Colony would thus have saved the salaries of those competent persons who, on vacating their offices, were pensioned for their lives at a large cost, thus entailing on the people a double charge for the expenses of the Executive Government with what profit to the people, the present increased and excessive burdens on them will show. Had these efficient and honest men remained in office, the foregoing unnecessary outlay would not only have been saved, but so would also the enormous debt that afterwards accumulated, in the prodigal and reckless expenditure of the public money, and the consequent heavy taxation that followed, besides the fifty pounds additional taxation on every hundred pounds imposed within the last two years. Now what is the case with the present so-called Responsible Government? The control, by bribery and corruption, the majority in the House of Assembly; and as regards the Governor, who did previously exercise some influence over public affairs, his powers are a nullity, excepting where Imperial interests are concerned. The ministry are paramount, whether for evil or for good; and what do the Government care about the people, so long as they can, through their paid minions, bribe and corrupt (through the power they possess in the Treasury and in patronage) the Electors, and thus retain their places, their salaries, and other emoluments for the greater part unknown to the people? We have witnessed the beginning of this system and its continuance thus far. Within the last two years, as I have before stated, instead of being limited to the heavy tax of one hundred pounds, previously paid, we are now compelled to pay little if anything short of fifty pounds additional on every hundred. These are the blessings and the "advantages" we are deriving from what the Express and Mr. Glen call Responsible Government. Not satisfied with these enormous rates of advance in the taxes, the Government have been contemplating and enunciating through the Press (to prepare the public for it) a still further increase. Will the public, I ask, ever open their eyes and organize themselves to resist the oppression!

    The elections are, it is said to come on in May next. It is also reported, and that by a leading Confederate, that before that time the principle of Confederation is to be carried through the House of Assembly, and that a majority of its members are prepared to pass it. If so, there is in my opinion one obstacle only in the way to prevent it -- and that is, the pledge given by our excellent and honorable Premier, who although a strong Confederate, and one of the two delegates who went to Canada, has hitherto resisted the carrying of that measure until he has redeemed the promise which he made -- namely, that he would not allow the measure to pass through the House of Assembly until an appeal had, in the first place, been made to the Electors on the subject at a General Election, and which promise I feel assured he will keep. At that General Election the Electors will have the power in their own hands, and I now caution them against the machinations of those who have so illy [sic] discharged their duties towards them, and to consider what is their own interest in the matter, and who will be fit and proper persons for them to elect to express their views on this all important subject, and to discharge the other responsible duties that may be entrusted to them. The Electors will then have had four years experience of their present members, who, with some exceptions in the patriots that are known to them, have not only been found wanting, but they will have discovered that they have been the real cause of all our present public miseries. Let the people appeal to their own experience -- let them ascertain for themselves what it is that they have to complain of, and whether there be any foundation for complaint, and to what extent their present members have been parties of their grievances. Let them take up the papers, and read what has been written and said on both sides of the question. They will then, I think and feel assured, understand and be convinced that what I assert is true -- that the real meaning of Confederation is the handing over the management of all our public affairs to the Canadian Parliament, more than a thousand miles distant from Newfoundland -- that those Canadians who know little or nothing of the Colony will have the power of governing them, and of taxing them to any extent they may think proper -- that they will have the power also of drafting our young and middle-aged men to serve in their army and navy, and that when ordered to do so they must leave their mothers, sisters, wives and children, their friends, their homes and their native country, and go to Canada, there possibly to contribute to the "bleaching bones" we have heard so much of by leaving their bodies on the field of battle. It would take many sheets of paper were I to enumerate all the sacrifices and vexatious imposts to which the people of this Colony would be subjected. The Confederates, nevertheless, tell the people that Confederation is sure to be a good thing; but have they ever pointed out one single benefit that our people will receive from it? Have they ever told the people all that they will have to suffer from it, and the miseries it will entail? Have they ever told them what nice fat offices the Confederate leaders are permanently to fill if they carry Confederation? Have they every told them what interest they have in the Colony that would be proof against accepting the bribe of office? No! It would not be convenient to their purposes to give the people any such information on any of these subjects. Their great object is to mystify (as lawyers are in the habit of doing) the subject of Confederation, and to keep the people ignorant of its consequences to them. My reason for opposing Confederation is because I believe, and I know, that it is to bring greater wretchedness upon the country than exists here at present, and that that is great is well known to be quite true; and besides which the people must know right well that what is my interest in this question is that their interest, and what is their interest is mine -- our interests are identical and cannot be separated. I am in the same boat with them, struggling for our common safety, with the endeavor to avoid the threatening storm that may otherwise overwhelm us, and therefore I can have no object in deceiving them. The people of this Colony are depending for their subsistence on its fisheries and mining resources, and their interest is to obtain a large reduction in the amount of the taxation which presses so heavily on those industries, and is the cause of the present unhappy state of the Colony; but if the fisheries fail and the taxation be not reduced, what better hope have they for the future if they go into Confederation and be additionally taxed? The failure of the fisheries is only a temporary evil which the next year may remedy, but Confederation with the resulting increase of taxation would be paralyzing curses on the Colony, which no after efforts of the Electors could remove. Let us all then prepare to meet the arch-enemy. Let us organise and be ready for the coming contest, and when the day of battle comes, let us show these few gentlemen of St. John's, who treat the people as though they were blocks of stone, possessing no brains, that there is a power in the country, physical and moral, superior to the power of their arrogance and their scheming, that is able to bring back once more to Newfoundland the prosperity which existed in times of old, before they came into power and made the Colony the wretched desert which it now is.

    Yours, &c.,
    C. F. Bennett.

    Source: [Letter to the editor from C. F. Bennett], The Morning Chronicle (St. John's), 7 décembre 1868.
    © Domaine public

  • No Confederation (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Morning Chronicle (St. John's) Le 28 septembre 1869, p. 1

    No Confederation !
    Reduced (not Increased) Taxation!!
    Let us keep our Fisheries to Ourselves! -- Let us keep our Lands, Mines and Minerals to Ourselves!! -- Let us keep our Revenue to Ourselves!!!
    Newfoundland for the Newfoundlanders

    No Rewards for Traitors
    No Militia Laws for Our Young Men
    No Drafting for Our Sailors.
    Let us Stick to our Old Mother Country, Great Britain, the TRUE Land of the Brave and Home of the Free!!
    Let us Never Change the Union Jack for the Canadian Beaver!!
    Never give to Canada the Right of Taxing Us.

    What is Confederation?

    It is Taxation without limit upon our imports, our Exports, and upon all kinds of property to be levied--not by our people but by Canadians, residing more than a thousand miles from us, and who know nothing of our resources or requirements, and care less.

    It is the giving up of all control over our valuable Fisheries, vesting the management of them in the hands of the Canadians to be disposed of as they deem proper.

    It is the giving up to Canada all our Lands, our Timber, our Mines and our Minerals, for a petty and insufficient consideration.

    It is the sending of our Revenue to Canada to aid the people of that country in paying the interest of their Debts, in building Railroads, Canals, and other Public Works, from which Newfoundland can receive no benefit. We should spend our money amongst ourselves, in giving employment to our people, in the making and repairing of our own roads, and other necessary improvements.

    It is the appointment of Canadians to our public offices, instead of the people of the country.

    It is the giving good fat berths to a few lawyers and many loafers, who have by their bad Governments brought the people to the verge of starvation, and their children to nakedness and want.

    It is the giving of fat offices, under the Canadian Government, to those who are endeavouring to sell the country and its people.

    Under the Canadian Government the young men of the country will be subject to the Militia Laws of the Dominion and our young fishermen will be pressed to man their Ships of War.

    It is the severing of our connection with Great Britain--the strongest, the most prosperous and most generous nation in the world. And for what? To join an incongruous and hybrid people, in whom we have no interests whatever, and never can have.

    Under consideration our shipping would have to hand down the proud old British Ensign, and sail under the hybrid flag of Canada.

    If the people of this Colony join the Dominion, they give to Canada the power of taxing them "by all and every mode or system of taxation." [These are the words of the Act of Union.] Will our people consent to this?

    Let it be understood that the Anti-Confederates of the country are strong and mean to contest every District. Messrs. C. P. Bennett, Walter Grieve, and other Gentlemen, have been North and will shortly visit the South and Western Districts. Let the people make no promises until they hear what these gentlemen have to say on the subject.

    The elections will be held November 13th next and the people should remember that if the measure of Confederation be carried, they can NEVER afterwards, retrace the step they take. If we go into Confederation, we go in not for one, ten or a hundred years but -- FOREVER! No matter to what extent we may be taxed -- once in we must stay in.

    It is the duty therefore of every man to consider this matter carefully. If he values his liberty he will vote with the Anti-Confederates against increased taxes and Irresponsible Government.

    The price fixed by the Confederates on the people is four shillings per head -- the price of a sheepskin -- at which price they have offered to sell them to Canada. Are our people willing to be sold with their Lands and Privilege of Self-Government, like the Negro or Russian […] to their inferior neighbours, the unprincipled and reckless political gamblers who conduct the government of Canada and who have within the last ten years increased the debt of that country from Fifteen to One Hundred Millions of Dollars?

    Are they willing that any portion of their Revenue should be sent to Canada to be spent in that country, when it is so badly wanted here to feed our own poor, to provide for Education and our present half-paid schoolmasters, to make and repair our own Roads, and to encourage our own Agriculture? Let those who pay the taxes, our Fishermen and Planters, decide this question -- for it is the Fish, which the fishermen catch, and the planters corn that pays all the taxes, and not the Lawyers and those other bloodsuckers that have been so long living and fattening on the vitals of the people. The interest lies in completing the bargain sought to be made, so that they may pocket the price to be paid them for their perfidy

    Let the electors remember the fact that should we go into Confederation, the act of Union gives the privilege to the Dominion Government to alter any stipulations they may have made with us and the other Provinces; and that however disadvantageous those arrangements may be, we shall not have the power of releasing ourselves from them. Once in, as we before said, we are in forever.

    At this time there is scarcely one individual among us who cannot exercise some influence over the taxations, its approbation and other Legislative Affairs of the Colony, but when our Legislature is gone from us and we are ruled by the Canadian Parliament let the people ask themselves what influence the most influential man among them could exercise over the Parliament of Canada, and what chance any Newfoundlander would have of filling any public office in it.

    Source: « No Confederation », The Morning Chronicle (St. John's), 28 septembre 1869, p. 1.
    © Domaine public

  • Confederation in Newfoundland (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Newfoundlander (St. John's) Le 5 octobre 1869, p. 2

    In the following paragraphs, taken from a late Halifax paper, we have Mr. Bennett's account of, --

    The following are extracts from a letter received in this city from a leading man in Newfoundland.

    ST. JOHN'S, Sept. 15th, 1869.

    I have just returned from the northern settlements of this colony, and I am sure you will be pleased to know from me that nearly the whole of the people whom, I have seen are determinedly opposed to Confederation, and I feel confident that no money that Canada may send to aid the confederate candidates can secure their return. We, the Antis, will greet with joy all the money they may send, as will the poorer of our people in pocketing it; but there is too much virtue among our honest and hardy population to sell their birthright, their power of self-government, for pelf. Heed not what our hireling press says; -- they are paid to inculcate untruths. I question whether a single Confederate will be returned at our next elections, to take place in November, although some persons calculate on six out of thirty.

    The news from the westward and south is equally favourable. The Antis have successfully stormed the very strongholds of the Confederates. We are no annexationists; we wish to hold on to the old country, in spite of the bad policy manifested by its present ministers, who have been too much influenced by the money-dealers of London, who are the great holders of the Canadian bonds and Railway scrip, and who have used that power to secure, at the cost of the Maritime Provinces, a better security than Canada could offer for that stock. The people of England are ignorant of the facts which have produced this ruinous policy and alienated a loyal people, whilst it has at the same time embarrassed her commercial and political relations with the United States.

    If the fact were not before us in black and white one would refuse to believe that a man appearing to hold any claim to respectability could have strung together this farrago of falsehoods and calumny. Mr. Bennett has been for some time living in an atmosphere of untruths - they have been to him meat, drink, clothing and washing all together. Bountifully supplied with these manufactures of his creatures by day and by night, his emulative aspirations were fired, and he at last resolved that in this letter to the Halifax papers he would outdo in the line of fabrication the most shameless of those whom he has filling with good cheer at his nightly regalings. To his credit it must be confessed, we think, he has succeeded in distancing them all in an avocation for which he must now regret that the extent of his aptitudes remained undiscovered till declining years leave him so short a time to devote to these congenial performances.

    Mr. Bennett's Halifax correspondent will learn with surprise that those districts which he visited are Confederate strongholds - the very quarters where, he knows, the Antis have neither chance nor hope of success. We don't know, and we don't say, that he was uncivilly received by the people he went to lecture; but we do know and say that the people in those localities knew well their man and his mission, and that they made him know them in a manner which he did not mistake. With all their knowledge of him, however, we dare say, they will confess when they see his present letter, that he has given them a new light. They rightly regarded him as a man wholly absorbed in the pursuit of selfish ends and regardless of the means by which he could compass them. They felt that his professions of concern for them and for the country were utterly dishonest, and that he would sacrifice them all ten times over to keep his millions of acres to himself and to escape payment of his royalty which will soon become due. But that he would falsify facts to the extent now disclosed - that he would publish to the world that in his assertions he was proof against the restraints of decency or the semblance of decency - this, we believe, the Northerners were not prepared to witness; and whatever they may have thought of him before, they will now know how to supplement their estimate to the requisite enlargement.

    The character he gives of the people of the colony is specially notable. "The poorer of our people," according to Mr. Bennett, "will greet with joy and will pocket any money they may send from Canada," They are "virtuous" enough to do this, but "too honest to sell their birthright." While he supplied this description of "virtue" to himself and his Anti fraternity, no one could dispute the correctness of his portraiture. But when he steps outside this circle and brands "the poor" of the whole country with the last degree of baseness and fraud, he perpetrates a libel too foul and too audacious for any pen but his own.

    "The present ministers and the people of England" are accused of "bad policy and of ignorance" by this wondrous luminacy. This is remarkable somewhat, for these stupid ministers and the people may be presumed to have had the benefit of Mr. Bennett's instruction during those two thirds of each year which he spends with them, while the remaining third is too long to give to Newfoundland. But he seems to forget that his favourite Tory Ministers were just as ignorant and impolite on the matter of Confederation, which they endorsed and commended quite as strongly as Mr. Gladstone and his friends. There will be grief and dismay in Downing Street when the news reaches them that their knowledge and policy are not up to the mark to find favor with this eminently qualified critic; and they will probably be grateful for the kind intimation that, after all, he is not "an annexationist" and really will not abjure the "old country" if he can but educate her "ministers and people" up to his own level and that of the Anti league of Newfoundland!

    This whole picture by Mr. Bennett presents a melancholy and memorable spectacle of that havoc which extreme selfishness and fanaticism can make of a man's titles to the indulgence or pity of his fellow men. Here is a person whose very age alone, if he had no other claim, would, under ordinary circumstances, secure for his acts something like lenient and forbearant consideration. Nobody cares to criticise with severity the vagaries of age while they are at all kept within the limits of reasonable endurance, and this reluctance is a right and commendable feeling. But in the case of Mr. Bennett, those years which should plead in excuse, only serve to deepen mens' disgust for his exhibitions. The passion of greed so all-consuming at his time of life as to render him reckless of truth and self-respect, is shown by his statements and by his present associates, marks the man out as an object of scorn to every rightly constituted mind.

    Source: « Confederation in Newfoundland », The Newfoundlander (St. John's), 5 octobre 1869, p. 2.
    © Domaine public

  • Dictionary of political terms (Anglais seulement)

    Source: « Dictionary of political terms », The Independent, 5 avril 1948, p. 7.
    © Domaine public

  • Call to action (Anglais seulement)

    Source: « Call to action », The Confederate, 7 avril 1948, p. 1.
    © Succession de F. Gordon Bradley
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation de Gordon Bradley

  • Battle song of Newfoundland (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Confederate 7 avril 1948, p. 1

    By Patriot

    Rise, Newfoundland, and break your chains,
    While yet the light of hope for you remains;
    Your fathers call from out their place of rest:
    "Unite--unite--Confederation is best".

    Must vested interests always keep you bound,
    Oh, men who toil upon the fishing ground;
    To keep you slaves, their dollars now outflow,
    For Pharoah-like, they will not let you go!

    You who have fought a North Atlantic Sea,
    Which calls for strength and utmost bravery;
    But now your fight is not with spume and spray -
    You fight for life on Referendum Day.

    The hour has come - the voice of Wisdom calls,
    To lead you on ere yet the darkness falls;
    Obey the voice and grasp her by the hand
    Then you shall know God guided Newfoundland!

    There is a tide that comes to those who toil,
    When taken at the flood brings Fortune's smile;
    Now is the time to take that flood - and, lo!
    Comfederation [sic] comes - and blessings flow.

    We hear the trumpet sounding from afar,
    While Freedom, smiling, swings her gates ajar;
    Enter now the portals, friends, I pray,
    And see the vision of a brighter day!

    For Newfoundland is like a vessel bold,
    Which carries human freight within her hold;
    Her course is set, the breeze is from the land,
    She points her bow toward a shining strand.

    But hidden in the joy lies "Local Rule",
    With false-light gleaming to mislead and fool;
    There lie the reefs of Hunger and Dole,
    To wreck our vessel on a Crosbie Shoal!

    Pile on all sail, leave Local Rule astern,
    And at the wheel let each man take his turn.
    We have the guide - Confederation's star,
    Oh, keep the course - we soon shall cross the bar.

    Then shall the bays and coves with cheers resound,
    With muskets blazing, firing round on round;
    And bon-fires gleaming on the distant hills,
    While every toiler's heart with freedom thrills!

    Source: « Battle song of Newfoundland », The Confederate, 12 mai 1948, p. 3.
    © Domaine public

  • Voters of Newfoundland (Anglais seulement)

    Source: « Voters of Newfoundland », The Independent, 28 mai 1948, p. 1.
    © Domaine public

  • Too late! (Anglais seulement)

    Source: « Too late! », The Independent, 26 juin 1948, p. 3.
    © Domaine public

  • Loi ayant pour objet d'approuver les conditions de l'Union de Terre-Neuve au Canada

    Source: « Loi ayant pour objet d'approuver les conditions de l'Union de Terre-Neuve au Canada », Statuts du Canada 1949 (v. I), c. 1, p. 1-20.
    © Couronne
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation du Ministère de la Justice

  • Loi ayant pour objet de ratifier les Conditions d'union arrêtées entre le Canada et Terre-Neuve et d'y donner effet

    Source: « Loi ayant pour objet de ratifier les Conditions d'union arrêtées entre le Canada et Terre-Neuve et d'y donner effet », Statuts du Canada 1949, c. 22, Préfixe, p. v-vi.
    © Couronne
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation du Ministère de la Justice

  • New province tomorrow : hope, sorrow blend on Confederation eve (Anglais seulement)

    Article tiré de : The Telegram (Toronto) Le 31 mars 1949, p. 1 et 3

    By Dorothy Howarth

    Today a country dies. Not as they die in Europe by enemy fire and sword, or by aggressive annexation, but by its own hand, the democratic choice of its people. By a majority vote of only 6,401 of its citizens, Newfoundland today gives up its life as an individual nation in the British Commonwealth to become, instead, the 10th province of the largest Dominion in the Commonwealth, Canada.

    There is no celebrating in St. John's today. People move quietly about their everyday business, through the steep up-and-down roads. Two-wheeled carts, filled with coal and produce, clatter in the cobbled streets. Fur-hatted policemen patrol their beats and long-shoremen wait on Water Street, leaning idly over the railing, above the docks where the tall ships come in.

    "Ah, well, Miss, I think there are many of us feeling badly today, even though we be confederates," said the doorman at the British Commission office.

    "How would you feel in Canada if the United States were taking you over today? It's like a country dying," said the librarian. "It doesn't matter how you voted, confederate or responsible government, today still means that we are no longer a separate country. We're only part of a larger one now."

    Above the hall of an Irish Benevolent Association rises in defiance what claims to be Newfoundland's flag -- pink, green and white. But far out the narrows from the top of Cabot Tower, whipped out in fierce wind, flies its real flag -- the Union Jack. "That'll not change, thank God," said a policeman.

    In the hearts of many responsible government people there is real despair. "We hate Canada; we hate Canadians," said a well-known St. John's professional man. "Come in here with your baby bonus and take us over and you'll name us a premier and cabinet that are like leopards that can change their spots. Now Tory, now Liberal. Well, once I was a Liberal but not any more. I'll not be associated with that confederate outfit, I can tell you.

    "Look at my office -- it's the same at my house…" Every blind in the place was pulled down to the sill -- as if death lay inside.

    There is a rumour that before the day is out a number of anti-confederates will take a funeral cortege through the town to bury high on the hill above the city the body of what is supposed to be Newfoundland. But their procession, if it is carried out, will wind right by the same frame houses, lining the hill, from which nightoil is still collected and from which issue nine and 10 children.

    "Of course we're glad to join with Canada," said one woman, a baby in her arms. "Look what it will mean to us. I've five children and my husband's work is uncertain. Those Water St. millionaires have bled us long enough," she added, looking down into the town where the names of a number of merchants could mainly be read on the sides of their stores.

    Prices Tell Story

    Store windows are the only evidence that Confederation has really come. Price tags on goods, with black lines drawn through the old prices, show the cuts. Nylons from $2.25 to $1.98: Linoleum at $1 a yard down to 50 cents. Drugs and cosmetics in particular show a tremendous difference.

    "It'll take me from three to six months to recover from the change," said one druggist. "I'll lose 20 per cent on most of my stock."

    But his clerk, a girl, saw the other side of the story. "Now I'll only pay $1.25 for creams, I paid $2 for before -- and cologne is $1.98 now instead of $2.50.

    "I saw a cotton summer dress in a store window today for $8.95 -- last summer I paid $15 for the same dress. Confederation will certainly make things easier for me, but I am sorry to feel that I must sign my passport Canadian."

    There was an air of waiting over the whole city, waiting for what is going to happen, what Confederation is to bring in small things and in large.

    I was going to buy curtains for my living room, but I decided to wait and see," said a woman, window-shopping. Another window-shopper was interested in the drop of the price of linoleum. "I wanted new covering for my kitchen floor for Christmas, but we decided to wait. Now I see that I was wise to."

    Civil Service in Suspense

    Waiting in government offices, figuratively biting their nails, are civil servants who have not yet been notified if their department is even going to exist after today. Several slated to take trips to Canada on official business, find that financial provision has not been made for their journey.

    Up at Government House, where tomorrow the official naming and swearing in of the new premier is to take place, faces are a little red. It isn't too propitious that new government should be born on April Fools Day -- a day kept here in the rowdy English fashion. It is said that is the reason the ceremony will not take place until 1:15, the traditional minute for April Fool's Day to end.

    The whole ceremony is being carried out as swiftly, as simply as possible with all the hush-hush trimmings of a military secret. There will be no fanfare: It was not even announced where or at what time the ceremony was to take place.

    In schools there will be no special observance of the last day of Newfoundland's nationhood. One schoolmaster said he thought he would probably address morning assembly for a few moments on the significance of the day, but other schools were ignoring it.

    "We'll be singing our national anthem, Ode to Newfoundland, in the morning and God Save the King when we leave at night," another teacher said.

    Baked Seal a Delicacy

    Biggest event of the day will be when the first sealer come in, its decks slippery with blubber and blood from the raw seal skins piled on it. The Terra Nova, possession of the Eric Bowring stores, a Water St. merchant, was due today but because of high wind and its loaded decks, rolling in a heavy sea, it is still on its way.

    "Oh you don't have to worry about where it come in," said a clerk in the store. "Just tell the taxi driver; he knows where to take you. There'll be lots other people there."

    Baked seal flippers and seal flipper pie will be on all menus when the first ship finally does arrive. "Tastes just like beef, with a bit of a fishy tinge," said a longshoreman. "You'll like it. Real Newfoundland dish. Can't make it Canadian whatever you do."

    "I don't know if we'll have any here," said the waitress in the restaurant. "Sometimes we do," then giving out the change, she noticed the silver. "There -- there's our 20-cent piece for you, and our little bitty nickel. Suppose they'll go out of circulation. But I kind of like them. I'll miss them. It'll be all Canadian money instead of our own."

    She swabbed the table with her cloth for a moment. "I've a sister in Toronto. She makes more than I do at the same work. But I don't know, whatever happens, I still want to be a Newfoundlander."

    So it goes all through the city: Half sadness, some downright anger, some anxiety and some downright gladness. No one quite sure about the future. Almost everyone realizing they've reached the end of an era and everyone waiting -- waiting to see what Canada and Confederation will bring.

    Source: « New province tomorrow : hope, sorrow blend on Confederation eve », Toronto Telegram, 31 mars 1949, p. 1 et 3.
    © Dorothy Howarth
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation de Dorothy Howarth

  • For some, the debate hasn't ended (Anglais seulement)

    Source: « For some, the debate hasn't ended », St. John's Weekly Telegram, 21 mars 1999, p. 5.
    © The Telegram
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation de The Telegram

Territoires du Nord-Ouest

Yukon

  • Acte du Territoire du Yukon
    Documen t: Acte ayant pour objet de pourvoir à l'administration du district du Yukon

    Acte du Territoire du Yukon (Anglais seulement)

    Source: « Acte ayant pour objet de pourvoir à l'administration du district du Yukon » (titre abrégé : Acte du Territoire du Yukon), Statuts du Canada 1898 (v. I-II), c. 6, p. 55-61.
    © Couronne
    Reproduit avec l'autorisation du Ministère de la Justice

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